Thursday, February 3, 2011

It isn't the Lack of "DEMOCRACY" you fool, it's Chronic UNEMPLOYMENT. Solution is Economic Growth through Targeted Development, Education and Employable Skills: "The Youth Unemployment Bomb"

 
February 03, 2011

In Tunisia, the young people who helped bring down a dictator are called hittistes -- French-Arabic slang for those who lean against the wall. Their counterparts in Egypt, who on Feb. 1 forced President Hosni Mubarak to say he won't seek reelection, are the shabab atileen, unemployed youths. The hittistes and shabab have brothers and sisters across the globe. In Britain, they are NEETs -- "not in education, employment, or training." In Japan, they are freeters: an amalgam of the English word freelance and the German word Arbeiter, or worker. Spaniards call them mileuristas, meaning they earn no more than 1,000 euros a month. In the U.S., they're "boomerang" kids who move back home after college because they can't find work. Even fast-growing China, where labor shortages are more common than surpluses, has its "ant tribe" -- recent college graduates who crowd together in cheap flats on the fringes of big cities because they can't find well-paying work.

In each of these nations, an economy that can't generate enough jobs to absorb its young people has created a lost generation of the disaffected, unemployed, or underemployed -- including growing numbers of recent college graduates for whom the post-crash economy has little to offer. Tunisia's Jasmine Revolution was not the first time these alienated men and women have made themselves heard. Last year, British students outraged by proposed tuition increases -- at a moment when a college education is no guarantee of prosperity -- attacked the Conservative Party's headquarters in London and pummeled a limousine carrying Prince Charles and his wife, Camilla Bowles. Scuffles with police have repeatedly broken out at student demonstrations across Continental Europe. And last March in Oakland, Calif., students protesting tuition hikes walked onto Interstate 880, shutting it down for an hour in both directions.

More common is the quiet desperation of a generation in "waithood," suspended short of fully employed adulthood. At 26, Sandy Brown of Brooklyn, N.Y., is a college graduate and a mother of two who hasn't worked in seven months. "I used to be a manager at a Duane Reade (drugstore) in Manhattan, but they laid me off. I've looked for work everywhere and I can't find nothing," she says. "It's like I got my diploma for nothing."

While the details differ from one nation to the next, the common element is failure -- not just of young people to find a place in society, but of society itself to harness the energy, intelligence, and enthusiasm of the next generation. Here's what makes it extra-worrisome: The world is aging. In many countries the young are being crushed by a gerontocracy of older workers who appear determined to cling to the better jobs as long as possible and then, when they do retire, demand impossibly rich private and public pensions that the younger generation will be forced to shoulder.

In short, the fissure between young and old is deepening. "The older generations have eaten the future of the younger ones," former Italian Prime Minister Giuliano Amato told Corriere della Sera. In Britain, Employment Minister Chris Grayling has called chronic unemployment a "ticking time bomb." Jeffrey A. Joerres, chief executive officer of Manpower (NYSE:MAN - News), a temporary-services firm with offices in 82 countries and territories, adds, "Youth unemployment will clearly be the epidemic of this next decade unless we get on it right away. You can't throw in the towel on this."

The highest rates of youth unemployment are found in the Middle East and North Africa, at roughly 24 percent each, according to the International Labor Organization. Most of the rest of the world is in the high teens -- except for South and East Asia, the only regions with single--digit youth unemployment. Young people are nearly three times as likely as adults to be unemployed.

Last year the ILO caught a glimmer of hope. Poring over the data from 56 countries, researchers estimated that the number of unemployed 15- to 24-year-olds in those nations fell in 2010 by about 2 million, to just under 78 million. "At first we thought this was a good thing," says Steven Kapsos, an ILO economist. "It looked like youth were faring better in the labor market. But then what we started to realize was that labor force participation rates were plunging. Young people were just dropping out."

Youth unemployment is tempting to dismiss. The young tend to have fewer obligations, after all, and plenty of time to save for retirement. They have the health and strength to enjoy their leisure. "I spend many hours a day playing soccer with my friends," says Musa Salhi, an 18-year-old Madrid resident who studied to be an electrician but hasn't worked in over a year. Even as fighters on horses and camels galloped through Cairo's Liberation Square on Feb. 2 and the U.N. estimated that 300 people had died in a week of clashes, the world's investors continued to perceive the consequences as largely local. The Standard & Poor's 500-stock index rose 1 percent in the week following the first mass protests on Jan. 25. Crude oil prices rose less than 4 percent over the period.

But the failure to launch has serious consequences for society -- as Egypt's Mubarak and Tunisia's overthrown President, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, discovered. So did Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who in 2009 dispatched baton-wielding police against youths protesting his disputed reelection. "Educated youth have been in the vanguard of rebellions against authority certainly since the French Revolution and in some cases even earlier," says Jack A. Goldstone, a sociologist at George Mason University School of Public Policy. In December the French government released a report on the -nation's Sensitive Urban Zones, also known as banlieues, which said that the young men in the neighborhoods find it "extremely difficult" to integrate into the economic mainstream. The heavily Muslim banlieues exploded into rioting in 2005; last year a series of violent attacks there brought police face to face with youths brandishing AK-47s.

A demographic bulge is contributing to the tensions in North Africa and the Middle East, where people aged 15-29 make up the largest share of the population ever, according to multiple demographic sources. The Egyptian pyramid that matters now is the one representing the population's age structure -- wide at the young bottom, narrow at the old top. Fifteen- to 29-year-olds account for 34 percent of the population in Iran, 30 percent in Jordan, and 29 percent in Egypt and Morocco. (The U.S. figure is 21 percent.) That share will shrink because the baby boom of two decades ago was followed by a baby bust. For now, though, it's corrosive.

In a nation with a healthy economy, a burst of new talent on the scene spurs growth. But the sclerotic and autocratic states of the Middle East are ill-equipped to take advantage of this demographic dividend. Sitting at the fringes of a protest in Cairo's Liberation Square on Jan. 29 and wearing a bright yellow head scarf, Soad Mohammed Ali says she hasn't found work since graduating from Cairo University with a law degree -- nearly 10 years ago. She says the only offer of government work she has received is cleaning jobs at $40 a month. At age 30, Ali says, "I am old now."

For the young jobless, enforced leisure can be agony. Musa Salhi, the Spanish soccer player, says, "I feel bored all the time, especially in the mornings. My parents really need and want me to start working." In Belfast, Northern Ireland, 19-year-old Declan Ma--guire says he applied for 15 jobs in the past three weeks and heard nothing back. "I would consider emigrating, but I don't even have the money to do that. It is so demoralizing."

For decades, Mubarak coped with Egypt's youth unemployment problem by expanding college enrollments. That strategy couldn't last forever. This past March, scholars Ragui Assaad and Samantha Constant of the Middle East Youth Initiative, a venture of Brookings Institution and the Dubai School of Government, put it bluntly: "In Egypt, educated young people who spend years searching for formal employment, mostly in the public sector, are now forgoing this prospect as the supply of government jobs dries up. Formal private sector employment -- quite limited in the first place -- is not growing fast enough. Hence, young people are left with either precarious informal wage employment or expected to simply create a job for themselves in Egypt's vast informal economy."

Mubarak gave no sign of knowing how explosive the situation was, but his ministers did state repeatedly that Egypt needed rapid growth to soak up new job--seekers. The country started getting some things right in 2004, when Mubarak appointed a business--minded government under Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif. The nation lowered corporate taxes and import tariffs, privatized telecom, and expanded exports. The economy grew 7 percent annually from 2006 through 2008, dipped below 5 percent in 2009, and was on track for over 5 percent growth this past year, according to the International Monetary Fund.

That was good and bad. While growth is essential for easing social tensions in the long term, it can exacerbate them in the short term in a country such as Egypt. That's because, former Finance Minister Youssef Boutros-Ghali told BusinessWeek several years ago, the first fruits of growth go to those who are -already wealthy.

The lack of democracy in Egypt and elsewhere in the Middle East -- Israel being the exception -- makes -matters worse. Goldstone, of George Mason, says Mubarak is running afoul of the "paradox of autocracy," a phrase coined by the late University of California at San Diego sociologist Timothy L. McDaniel. "Any authoritarian ruler who wants to modernize his country has to educate the workforce," Goldstone says. "But when you educate the workforce you also create people who are not so willing to follow authority. Thus you create this threat of rebellion and disorder." Democracies are "much better at managing large numbers of highly educated people," Goldstone notes. Spain's youth unemployment is even higher than Egypt's, but young Spaniards aren't trying to overthrow the government.

Even so, rich democracies ignore youth unemployment at their peril. In the 34 industrialized nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, at least 16.7 million young people are not employed, in school, or in training, and about 10 million of those aren't even looking, the OECD said in December 2010. In the most-developed nations, the job market has split between high-paying jobs that many workers aren't qualified for and low-paying jobs that they can't live on, says Harry J. Holzer, a public policy professor at Georgetown University and co-author of a new book, Where Are All the Good Jobs Going?

Many of the jobs that once paid good wages to high school graduates have been automated or outsourced.
The spike in youth unemployment should ease in the West as the after-effects of the 2008 financial crisis diminish. Eventually, growth will resume in the U.S., Europe, Japan, and other nations. The retirement of the baby boomers will increase demand for younger workers. "I believe the tables will turn. Employers will be lining up" for younger workers, says Philip J. Jennings, general secretary of UNI Global Union, an international federation of labor unions with 20 million members.

That's cold comfort to the young people who are out of work now. The short term has become distressingly long. Although the recession ended in the summer of 2009, youth unemployment remains near its cyclical peak. In the U.S., 18 percent of 16- to 24-year-olds were unemployed in December 2010, according to the Labor Dept., a year and a half after the recession technically ended. For blacks of the same age it was 27 percent. What keeps the numbers from being even higher is that many teens have simply given up. Some are sitting on couches. Others are in school, which can be a dead end itself. The percentage of American 16- to 19-year-olds who are employed has fallen to below 26 percent, a record low.

What's more, when jobs do come back, employers might choose to reach past today's unemployed, who may appear to be damaged goods, and pick from the next crop of fresh-faced grads. Starting one's career during a recession can have long-term negative consequences. Lisa B. Kahn, an economist at the Yale School of Management, estimates that for white, male college students in the U.S., a 1 percentage point increase in the unemployment rate at the time of graduation causes an initial wage loss of 6 percent to 7 percent -- and even after 15 years the recession graduates earn about 2.5 percent less than they would have if they had not come out of school during a downturn. There's a psychological impact as well. "Individuals growing up during recessions tend to believe that success in life depends more on luck than on effort, support more government redistribution, but are less confident in public institutions," conclude Paola Giuliano of UCLA's Anderson School of Management and Antonio Spilimbergo of the International Monetary Fund in a 2009 study. Downturns, the study suggests, breed self-doubting liberals.

The coincidence of protests in Egypt and record youth unemployment elsewhere has caught the attention of the world's most powerful capitalists and -diplomats. At this year's World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, held while Cairo was in chaos, the hallways buzzed with can-do talk about improving -employment opportunities for the young. Even before the latest whiff of grapeshot, the U.N. declared the year beginning last August as the International Year of Youth. In December the Blackstone Group (NYSE:BX - News) and CNBC held a conference in London with top experts to discuss solutions to youth unemployment. Companies from AT&T (NYSE:T - News) to Accenture (NYSE:ACN - News) to Siemens (NYSE:SI - News) are working on ways to prepare high school and college students for the working world.

The only surefire cure for youth unemployment, however, is strong, sustained economic growth that generates so much demand for labor that employers have no choice but to hire the young. Economists have been breaking their teeth on that goal for decades. "If we knew how to get growth right we'd win the Nobel Prize," says Wendy Cunningham, a specialist in youth development at the World Bank in Washington.

In the absence of a growth panacea, economists have been working on microscale solutions, such as training programs to smooth the transition from school to work. No magic bullets there yet, either. "We seem to lack a creativity about how to address the issue. I can't point any fingers because I certainly don't have the answers," says Sara Elder, an economist at the ILO in Geneva.

One reason answers are so scarce is that rigorous measurement of antipoverty programs became widespread only in the past decade, thanks in part to the influence of economists such as Esther Duflo and Abhijit Banerjee of the Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab, based at Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Serious analysis requires tools such as randomized trials and control groups that most bureaucrats and do-gooders don't know. And measuring long-term impact takes a decade or more.

One finding that has emerged is that more education is not always better. What matters is matching the skills of the workforce to the skills that employers demand. In Iran, where the percentage of people aged 15 and over with postsecondary degrees has soared from 2.5 percent to 10.5 percent over the past 20 years, the education system has become "a giant diploma mill," says Djavad Salehi-Isfahani, an economist at Virginia Tech. Egypt and Tunisia are headed in that direction; in 1990, only about 2 percent of their people aged 15 and over had post-secondary degrees, but by 2010 the ratios were up to 6.7 percent for Tunisia and 6 percent for Egypt, according to Harvard University's Center for International Development.

The extra schooling didn't help. Much of the anger that boiled over in the two nations, in fact, came from college graduates who couldn't put their degrees to work. Typical is Saad Mohammed, 25, a 2010 graduate of Cairo's venerable Al-Azhar University, interviewed in Liberation Square between protests. He feels betrayed that he has been unable to find work in his chosen field, "origins of religion." Mohammed hopes that "a new government will give me a job in a religious charity." The mismatch is worst for young women in the Middle East, who are getting as much advanced education as men but have far fewer job opportunities.
China, too, has produced more college diplomas than it can make use of. The number of graduates has quintupled in the past decade, and "the Chinese economy has just not been able to create that many jobs for high-skilled labor," says Anke Schrader, a researcher in Beijing at The Conference Board's China Center for Economics and Business. Manpower says that according to its analysis of the Chinese labor market, newly minted technical-school graduates are earning as much or more than new university graduates, with monthly pay of 2,000 to 4,000 renminbi a month, and in some cases 6,000 renminbi, vs. 2,000 to 2,500 for the university grads. (Monthly pay of 2,000 renminbi equals $3,600 a year at market exchange rates.)

In the U.S. and much of Europe, the problem is just the opposite of the Arab world's: not too much college education but too little. According to a study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, less-educated youth are 4.6 times as likely to be unemployed as more-educated youth in the U.S. -- a measure of the potency of knowledge in a knowledge economy. That means that the U.S. has fallen off the top of the world league table for college graduation rates at the worst possible moment. As of 2008, only 60 percent of students in American four-year schools had managed to graduate within six years, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.

Even in technologically sophisticated nations such as the U.S., college isn't for everyone. But traditional vocational programs, though popular, are not the best solution for youth unemployment, according to effectiveness research conducted by the World Bank. Cunningham, who has a PhD in labor economics and has worked in youth development at the bank since 2000, says vocational programs "often are set up without a good understanding of the demands in the labor market and become obsolete very quickly. They have staff that stay on and on. They don't have the money to update their technology."

More successful are programs that are tightly linked with employers. The Jvenes (Spanish for youths) programs in several Latin American nations require that an employer sign a document promising to take their graduates as interns, and they teach life skills alongside technical ones. Employers range from bakeries to clothing manufacturers to computer repair shops. The question, says Cunningham, is whether the Jvenes programs can be scaled up from hundreds of participants to hundreds of thousands.

These days there's a newfound appreciation for an ancient work arrangement, the apprenticeship, because it greases the transition from learning to doing. Germany and Austria experienced milder youth unemployment in the global downturn partly because of blue-collar apprenticeship programs, says Stefano Scarpetta, deputy director of the directorate of -employment, labor, and social affairs at the OECD in Paris. Last year, the International Labor Organization says, Germany's youth unemployment rate was 13.9 percent, compared with a Europe-wide average of 21.2 percent and 21 percent in the U.S.

In an update on the apprentice idea, countries such as the Netherlands encourage university students to gain work experience while enrolled. Scarpetta says 70 percent of Dutch youth ages 20-24 are getting some work experience. By contrast in Italy and Portugal only about 10 percent work while in school. The Netherlands' youth unemployment rate is just 11.2 percent.

Something similar is catching on in the U.S. AT&T, with almost 270,000 employees and an annual training budget of nearly $250 million, is trying to smooth high school students' transition to work with a program called Job Shadow that exposes students to the realities of employment. Insight into the minds of American teenagers has made AT&T executives realize the magnitude of the challenge. "I had three students shadowing me a while ago -- juniors in high school," says Charlene F. Lake, AT&T's chief sustainability officer. "When I asked them what they wanted to do after high school, two of them hadn't thought about it. One girl said she'd like to teach and expressed surprise that she needed more education to do that. She didn't even realize she had to go to college."

For many young people who lack work experience, structure is the key. "You need to have rules and regulations," says Executive Director Mary B. Mulvihill of the Grace Institute in New York, which offers tuition-free training in personal and office skills to help "under-served" women become self-sufficient. "You need to say, 'If you do this, look how your life is going to change.' If it's more loosey-goosey, I don't think it works."

If the purpose is to create jobs, as opposed to just filling them, loosey-goosey may be exactly what's needed. Entrepreneurship -- with all its guesswork and improvisation -- could be the most underexploited means of reducing youth unemployment. In 2008 the University of Miami started an entrepreneurship program called Launch Pad inside its career center to send the message that starting your own company is a valid career option, not just a class to take.

Since then, University of Miami students and recent grads have launched 45 companies. Coral Morphologic collects and raises corals for sale to aquarium owners. Sinha Astronautics has conceived of a space plane for launching satellites into low-earth orbit. Audimated, a music website, allows fans to make money by promoting their favorite indie artists. The man who launched Launch Pad is William S. Green, senior vice-provost and dean of undergraduate education. "Young people are interested in managing their own lives and are a little bit cautious about big corporations," he says. "This has become the largest single student activity on campus."

After Miami's entrepreneurship initiative caught the eye of Stephen A. Schwarzman, the billionaire head of private equity firm Blackstone Group, the Blackstone Charitable Foundation last year launched a similar program in southeastern Michigan with Wayne State University and Walsh College. On Jan. 31, as President Barack Obama announced his Startup America initiative at the White House, Blackstone said it would expand what it also calls LaunchPad to five more cities, as yet unnamed, devoting $50 million over five years. Schwarzman, buttonholed at the World Economic Forum in Davos, said Blackstone "started getting focused on this area when it became clear that (government efforts) were not in our judgment going to lead to significant declines in unemployment."

To free-market economists, one solution to youth unemployment is simple: Clear away the government-imposed obstacles to hiring young people. They blame high minimum wages, for instance, for discouraging companies from hiring promising young people who haven't had a chance to accumulate the knowledge or experience to justify being paid even the minimum wage. Following that counsel, most European countries, where minimum wages are high relative to average pay, have lower minimums for young workers. (The evidence is that high minimum wages do exclude some young people, while benefiting others by raising their pay.) Likewise, too-strong protections for the permanent workforce can hurt young people because they aren't similarly protected and bear the brunt of downsizing in hard times, the ILO warned in a 2009 report.

Right or wrong, the free-market argument hasn't carried the day: Britain and New Zealand actually raised their minimum wages during the global downturn. And the argument for the negative effect of worker protections hasn't convinced Austria and Germany, which have strong employment regulation and yet have had healthier job markets in the past two years than countries such as the U.S. with fewer worker protections. Thea Lee, deputy chief of staff at the AFL-CIO, argues that unions can't be blamed for high youth unemployment: "Business likes to have workers with no power, no rights, no protections."

That's a bit harsh. After all, company executives are squeezed too, and hiring neophytes is costly. Joerres, the Manpower chief, blames the faster pace. "Businesses did more training when the life cycle of their products and employees was longer," he says. "Now if the life cycle of your product is 18 months and it takes 12 months to bring your employee up to speed, you lose."

Chronic youth unemployment may not be fixable. But there's evidence it can be reduced through the concerted efforts of government, labor, business, education, and young people themselves. Luckily the soil is fertile: All over the world, the hittistes and shabab atileen, NEETs and freeters and boomerang kids are hungry for a chance to thrive. Says John Studzinski, senior managing director at Blackstone Group: "To a certain extent, all you can do with youth employment is plant seeds."

Sunday, January 30, 2011

‘We will not be intimidated by LTTE front organizations’ says Lankan envoy in US


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LTTE front organizations will eventually be exposed and brought to justice, says Jaliya Wickramasuriya, Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States. "They cannot intimidate the President or the people of Sri Lanka", he noted.

Recently foreign supporters of the LTTE terrorist group that fought and lost a conflict against the Sri Lankan people have accused President Mahinda Rajapaksa of committing war crimes as commander in chief of Sri Lanka’s armed forces, he noted. Today, LTTE supporters outside of Sri Lanka continue to accuse the government of human rights violations. Those groups continue to raise funds for violent terrorist activities.  Swiss federal police recently arrested 10 alleged LTTE supporters who police say were threatening Sri Lankan Tamils into providing money to the LTTE, Wickramasuriya said in a statement.

A number of LTTE support groups have put the word "Tamil" in their names, hoping to attract attention and avert suspicion, he said. "The LTTE, banned in the U.S. and a number of other countrie, was responsible for the murder of thousands of civilians and assassinated numerous heads of state including Sri Lanka’s then President Ranasinghe Premadasa, India’s Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Sri Lanka’s Tamil Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar".

"It is clear what these groups are doing, and they have already drawn attention from law enforcement in countries where the LTTE is banned," Ambassador Wickramasuriya said. "The LTTE has tried before to raise money by using groups that pose as humanitarian organizations, and they have been caught. Those attempting to do this now must cease or face prosecution."

He said that front organizations have been discovered in the past and were brought to justice.

"Let me be clear when I say that a majority of Sri Lankans living in the U.S.- Tamil, Muslim and Sinhalese alike- are grateful to our President Rajapaksa for liberating 300,000 citizen from terrorist captivity and uniting our island," he said.  A very small group of the Sri Lankan Diaspora is made up of supporters of the LTTE terrorist group.  For the past ten or fifteen years, this small minority has been very vocal in spreading propaganda against the Government of Sri Lanka.

The Ambassador pointed out, "The LTTE, an organization that was once described by the FBI as the most ruthless terrorist organization in the world, received a majority of its funding from outside of Sri Lanka.  Over the past several years the Government of Sri Lanka worked very closely with the U.S. Department of Justice to identify the sources of this terrorist funding.  A few years ago the U.S. Department of Justice found numerous so-called charity organizations were in fact fronts for the LTTE."

In 2007 the Tamil Rehabilitation Organization (T.R.O.) was proscribed as a foreign terrorist organization after the U.S. Justice Department found that donations collected for purportedly charitable purposes were actually being spent on further militarizing the LTTE terrorists.  The U.S. Treasury Department issued a press release in 2007 noting that the "T.R.O. passed off its operations as charitable, when in fact it was raising money for a designated terrorist group responsible for heinous acts of terrorism."  The Tamil Foundation was also proscribed as a front organization, he recalled.

"What we are seeing now is that the same individuals or relatives of these individuals that were part of these proscribed LTTE front organizations have started new groups.  These so-called advocacy organizations have the same membership and directors as the proscribed organizations.  They continue to spread propaganda against the Government and carry out publicity stunts like this baseless law suit."  Wickramasuriya noted that the Government of Sri Lanka continues to work closely with the U.S. Department of Justice and other agencies in identifying LTTE front organizations.

Sunday, January 23, 2011

The Wikileaks Revelations about attitudes to Sri Lanka


By Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
Island.lk
January 22, 20100

Reading through the revelations about Sri Lanka in Wikileaks, I am struck most of all by how they confirm the assumptions on which I have been working over the last few years.

I cannot pretend I knew all the ramifications of government policy over this period, but obviously, in fulfilling my responsibilities, as Head of the Peace Secretariat, and also Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights, I had to relate to interlocutors in terms of their essential attitudes to the Sri Lankan government.

This was particularly important since a fair amount of my work was with the international community, both in helping to coordinate international humanitarian assistance, which was a responsibility allocated to my Ministry, and also in assisting my Minister and our Ambassador in Geneva, Dayan Jayatilleka, with the various attacks on us that were being launched at the Human Rights Council.

Dayan had realized, soon after he went to Geneva in 2007, that the British were our main enemies. He was practically told as much by Nick Thorne, the then British Ambassador, and also by various others who, though they had to follow the British line, were not so happy with it. Thorne was a bit of a bully, and one did not mind responding to him forcefully.

More upsetting was the approach of his successor, who was clearly a very nice man, but permitted his young ladies, who had been trained as it were by Thorne, to be crudely, and often inaccurately, critical.

In a sense the situation was similar in Sri Lanka, where Dominic Chilcott went out on a limb to be harsh about us, in particular the Secretary of Defence. Peter Hayes, though less flamboyant, was no better, indeed probably worse, having served previously in David Miliband's private office - and not really being ambassadorial material, given his unfortunate interpersonal skills, so that he is unlikely to get any important ambassadorial position in the future.

Meanwhile other British officials, in particular the Defence Attache, seemed much nicer and more sympathetic. This did not mean they did not toe the line, but they did not adopt a sanctimonious approach as Chilcott and Hayes did.

That, unfortunately, is the trouble with the British, whom in general I love exceedingly, having spent the best years of my life amongst them. Like everyone else, they ultimately do what is best for themselves. However, having a more active conscience than others - my Chaplain claimed it was because the decision making classes were terrified of their nannies - they needed to prove to themselves that they were being high-minded.

So they get all moral about what they do, even though, as with all countries, they are essentially just fulfilling their own interests. Sometimes they get so moral that, anxious to please as we ex-colonials are, we search desperately to find out what we have done wrong.

On the whole I felt we had not done much wrong, and the British critiques were unfair. But it was nice to find this proved in the Wikileaks account of Miliband's confession to the Americans as to why he was so obsessed with Sri Lanka. Unfortunately his hyper-active period coincided with one of extreme vulnerability to such pressure on the part of the Americans.

The Obama administration was just finding its feet, and it had many officials who had preconceptions about Sri Lanka. Unable to act on their feelings about Iraq and Afghanistan, given the need for continuity that Obama could not escape, they indulged their consciences to the full with regard to Sri Lanka.

That I think explains the one blunder Hilary Clinton made, revealing what underlay her generally nuanced approach, when she made her preposterous claim about Sri Lanka using rape as a weapon of war.

Ambassador Butenis made up for that pretty smartly, and by and large I think she has confirmed my view about American policy towards Sri Lanka, which is that they have a better understanding than north Europeans of what terrorism is, and how one needs to deal with it, and that they were therefore more sympathetic to our government.

This did not mean that they were not concerned about possible Human Rights abuses. Though they know as well as we do that they have done much worse things, and sometimes as a matter of policy, in their struggle against terrorism, many officials involved in the civilized dimension of international relations do not like such things, and excuse them only because they think them essential to safeguard the American way of life.

Others, who do not enjoy such a life, have less reason to deviate from the straight and narrow, and must be judged accordingly.

Within that framework however, they were less negative, and indeed successive American ambassadors realized very soon the actual ground situation in Sri Lanka. Thus, though Robert Blake came out with preconceptions about the Karuna faction soon after he arrived here, it was not long before he realized that the real horrors were the LTTE.

We in turn should not forget that, when the Europeans, led by that other wonderful British specimen, Julian Wilson, were being negative about the East, the Americans stepped in smartly and joined our Asian friends (and a couple of the South Europeans) to help with development.

So too, while I was sorry to see Patricia Butenis too seeming to leap on the Sarath Fonseka bandwagon, who could blame her, given how extravagant were the claims made by Colombo society on his behalf, with concomitant noises presumably from the bleeding heart brigade back in Washington?

I believe however that, even if the evidence of his negative approach to politics was not apparent, she was soon disabused by her fellow Western ambassadors who, to a man (including the ladies amongst them, though not Dr Hayes) understood very well, as one of them told me, what Sarath Fonseka was about.

The other cables relating to Sri Lanka show a much more sensible approach to the Tigers than Norway for instance evinced at times. And yet, with Norway too, excepting always Mr Solheim, who I have always felt was a shady character (as was Jon-Hanssen Bauer, who was really no character at all, but seemed rather a schoolboy apprentice to Solheim, when I met them together), there was much more balance than is generally supposed.

Indeed, when the then government wanted to hand over transmitting equipment to the Tigers, the Norwegians were astonished (incidentally, as I suggested three years ago, that is a deal that should be examined further - I wonder indeed whether Ranil were not dragooned into it by his advisers, who had agendas that sometimes I think he never properly understood).

Finally, what comes out most positively is the enormous integrity of the Indians in supporting us throughout the most difficult period. Japan too comes out well, and we know China was a tower of strength, though obviously American diplomats are not in a position to let us know the inner thinking of the Chinese.

But, given the pressures on India from politicians in Tamilnadu, given the arguments of the West at a time when India was developing stronger economic ties with it, we must be grateful for India's unswerving opposition to terrorism and appeasement, and its willingness to let the Sri Lankan government go ahead with the struggle against the Tigers, when other nations were dubious about us.

In short, then, Wikileaks confirms to us that those who matter were with us when we needed them. These included the Americans, though I hope the revelations will suggest to them that they need to be less ambiguous about supporting democratic governments than those with dubious agendas advocate.

Finally, though the rot Miliband initiated may take some time to heal, and some elements in the Foreign Office will still be negative, the opportunity presented by the new British government should not be ignored.

The new British High Commissioner will have much to do, but we should accept any positive measures and reciprocate with the affection that a nation in thrall to its nannies surely deserves.

The Wikileaks Revelations about attitudes to Sri Lanka





 
By Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

Reading through the revelations about Sri Lanka in Wikileaks, I am struck most of all by how they confirm the assumptions on which I have been working over the last few years.
I cannot pretend I knew all the ramifications of government policy over this period, but obviously, in fulfilling my responsibilities, as Head of the Peace Secretariat, and also Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights, I had to relate to interlocutors in terms of their essential attitudes to the Sri Lankan government.

 This was particularly important since a fair amount of my work was with the international community, both in helping to coordinate international humanitarian assistance, which was a responsibility allocated to my Ministry, and also in assisting my Minister and our Ambassador in Geneva, Dayan Jayatilleka, with the various attacks on us that were being launched at the Human Rights Council.
Dayan had realized, soon after he went to Geneva in 2007, that the British were our main enemies. He was practically told as much by Nick Thorne, the then British Ambassador, and also by various others who, though they had to follow the British line, were not so happy with it. Thorne was a bit of a bully, and one did not mind responding to him forcefully.
More upsetting was the approach of his successor, who was clearly a very nice man, but permitted his young ladies, who had been trained as it were by Thorne, to be crudely, and often inaccurately, critical.
In a sense the situation was similar in Sri Lanka, where Dominic Chilcott went out on a limb to be harsh about us, in particular the Secretary of Defence. Peter Hayes, though less flamboyant, was no better, indeed probably worse, having served previously in David Miliband's private office - and not really being ambassadorial material, given his unfortunate interpersonal skills, so that he is unlikely to get any important ambassadorial position in the future.
Meanwhile other British officials, in particular the Defence Attache, seemed much nicer and more sympathetic. This did not mean they did not toe the line, but they did not adopt a sanctimonious approach as Chilcott and Hayes did.
That, unfortunately, is the trouble with the British, whom in general I love exceedingly, having spent the best years of my life amongst them. Like everyone else, they ultimately do what is best for themselves. However, having a more active conscience than others - my Chaplain claimed it was because the decision making classes were terrified of their nannies - they needed to prove to themselves that they were being high-minded.
So they get all moral about what they do, even though, as with all countries, they are essentially just fulfilling their own interests. Sometimes they get so moral that, anxious to please as we ex-colonials are, we search desperately to find out what we have done wrong.
On the whole I felt we had not done much wrong, and the British critiques were unfair. But it was nice to find this proved in the Wikileaks account of Miliband's confession to the Americans as to why he was so obsessed with Sri Lanka. Unfortunately his hyper-active period coincided with one of extreme vulnerability to such pressure on the part of the Americans.
The Obama administration was just finding its feet, and it had many officials who had preconceptions about Sri Lanka. Unable to act on their feelings about Iraq and Afghanistan, given the need for continuity that Obama could not escape, they indulged their consciences to the full with regard to Sri Lanka.
That I think explains the one blunder Hilary Clinton made, revealing what underlay her generally nuanced approach, when she made her preposterous claim about Sri Lanka using rape as a weapon of war.
Ambassador Butenis made up for that pretty smartly, and by and large I think she has confirmed my view about American policy towards Sri Lanka, which is that they have a better understanding than north Europeans of what terrorism is, and how one needs to deal with it, and that they were therefore more sympathetic to our government.
This did not mean that they were not concerned about possible Human Rights abuses. Though they know as well as we do that they have done much worse things, and sometimes as a matter of policy, in their struggle against terrorism, many officials involved in the civilized dimension of international relations do not like such things, and excuse them only because they think them essential to safeguard the American way of life.
Others, who do not enjoy such a life, have less reason to deviate from the straight and narrow, and must be judged accordingly.
Within that framework however, they were less negative, and indeed successive American ambassadors realized very soon the actual ground situation in Sri Lanka. Thus, though Robert Blake came out with preconceptions about the Karuna faction soon after he arrived here, it was not long before he realized that the real horrors were the LTTE.
We in turn should not forget that, when the Europeans, led by that other wonderful British specimen, Julian Wilson, were being negative about the East, the Americans stepped in smartly and joined our Asian friends (and a couple of the South Europeans) to help with development.
So too, while I was sorry to see Patricia Butenis too seeming to leap on the Sarath Fonseka bandwagon, who could blame her, given how extravagant were the claims made by Colombo society on his behalf, with concomitant noises presumably from the bleeding heart brigade back in Washington?
I believe however that, even if the evidence of his negative approach to politics was not apparent, she was soon disabused by her fellow Western ambassadors who, to a man (including the ladies amongst them, though not Dr Hayes) understood very well, as one of them told me, what Sarath Fonseka was about.
The other cables relating to Sri Lanka show a much more sensible approach to the Tigers than Norway for instance evinced at times. And yet, with Norway too, excepting always Mr Solheim, who I have always felt was a shady character (as was Jon-Hanssen Bauer, who was really no character at all, but seemed rather a schoolboy apprentice to Solheim, when I met them together), there was much more balance than is generally supposed.
Indeed, when the then government wanted to hand over transmitting equipment to the Tigers, the Norwegians were astonished (incidentally, as I suggested three years ago, that is a deal that should be examined further - I wonder indeed whether Ranil were not dragooned into it by his advisers, who had agendas that sometimes I think he never properly understood).
Finally, what comes out most positively is the enormous integrity of the Indians in supporting us throughout the most difficult period. Japan too comes out well, and we know China was a tower of strength, though obviously American diplomats are not in a position to let us know the inner thinking of the Chinese.
But, given the pressures on India from politicians in Tamilnadu, given the arguments of the West at a time when India was developing stronger economic ties with it, we must be grateful for India's unswerving opposition to terrorism and appeasement, and its willingness to let the Sri Lankan government go ahead with the struggle against the Tigers, when other nations were dubious about us.
In short, then, Wikileaks confirms to us that those who matter were with us when we needed them. These included the Americans, though I hope the revelations will suggest to them that they need to be less ambiguous about supporting democratic governments than those with dubious agendas advocate.
Finally, though the rot Miliband initiated may take some time to heal, and some elements in the Foreign Office will still be negative, the opportunity presented by the new British government should not be ignored.
The new British High Commissioner will have much to do, but we should accept any positive measures and reciprocate with the affection that a nation in thrall to its nannies surely deserves.
-The Island/Asia News Network

Tuesday, January 11, 2011

Who is responsible to the fear psychosis of the Tamils in Jaffna ? Are the Tamils in Sri Lanka willing to be Sri Lankans ?


By Charles S. Perera


LankaWeb.com
January 07, 2011


 Douglas Devananda had spoken in the Parliament  to say about the fear psychosis of the Tamils in Jaffna. With a 30 years of war and uncertainty of life under the terrorists during that time,  the fear psychosis  is nothing new to Tamils in Jaffna.  However, what is “new” is that it follows the elimination of their bane -the terrorism.

This second wave of  the “old” fear psychosis  with which  Devananda says the people in the North are gripped with has come about  hardly two years after the elimination of terrorism by the  Government  Armed Forces consisting of  the Sinhala Buddhist Officers and Soldiers.

The report adds that  Devananda said  the people of the North looked forward to a  peaceful environment after the end of the  war against terrorist, and now the fear is that north will slip back to violence again.
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If that fear had arisen among the people of the North it is interesting to examine who is responsible for this state of affairs ? Who brought about that fear psychosis ?

The moment the terrorism was eliminated the people of the north, did not turn to the government to allow it to continue  to create  an environment of peace , despite the fact that the people  of Jaffna were aware of  the tremendous development projects the government undertook for their welfare.

The people of Jaffna and those in the East in the succeeding elections after the elimination of terrorists, did not show any gratitude or place any confidence in the government to  create  the necessary environment of  peace that should have naturally come after the thirty years of continued terrorism.

The people of Jaffna and the Tamils of the East instead took to their confidence the very same people that was responsible for the thirty years of  their suffering and daily dose of fear psychosis- the  lackeys  of the  terrorists  the Tamil National Alliance to provide them a peaceful sanctuary.  It is like asking jackals to look after the  chicken farm.

It is  evident to any fool who had followed the statements of Sambandhan the Leader of the  TNA  and  its MPs through out the terrorism after they were named by the terrorist Prabhakaran to represent the terrorists  in Parliament. They were a part and parcel of  Prabhakarans terrorism.  Their existence depended on their servility to the terrorist Prabhakaran.  They had no voice of their own as they had to  run to Kilinochchi every now and then  to get Prabhakaran’s  approval of their actions and speeches in Parliament.

How could TNA MPs have ever given to the people of  Jaffna and the East  peace or progress ?
The fear psychosis  Devananda is reporting to the Parliament , is the making of the Tamil people of the North and East, themselves.  There is none to be blamed for the sad state into which they have pushed them selves into.  The TNA has no other political aim other than  that they had been trained in,  and brainwashed to follow  by the terrorist Prabhakaran.

The TNA stands for division , and separation of the Tamils from the Sinhala people, and they cannot stop terrorism if there is to be another wave of it in Jaffna or the East, as in case terrorism  raises its “bloody” head again  in Jaffna in what ever way, the TNA will stand by the terrorists as their lackeys- that is their raison d’etre.

Devanada had said that he would not embarrass the government internationally by raising the matter in the Parliament.  Devananda should not  worry,  as he does not embarrass the government at all.  The Government is aware that any disturbance of peace in the North and East, will automatically be made the responsibility of  the Government and Armed forces.

Because as long as things are going well for the Tamils,  there would be those from the diaspora, the international Community, and the TNA taking credit for it.  But moment things go wrong they will accuse the government for abductions, white vans , murders and now the fear psychosis.

But it is the foreign and anti government Media, International community,  Human Rights Watch, the Amnesty International and the Internal anti-government forces  who made an issue of the suspected terrorist kept separately and demanded their release, who should take full responsibility for what is happening in Jaffna.

The terrorists who escaped during the last phase of the military operations against the terrorists, along with the  IDPs  who were evacuated by the humanitarian mission of the Government armed  forces, were rightly separated from the Tamil Civilians and kept in separate camps for security reasons.  If the government was left alone to settle all these matters of terrorists things would have been different.

But unfortunately the government had to please these “foreign vultures” out to divide Sri Lanka, and make it a sort of a “banana state” dependent on them.  It does not matter to them whether the release of suspected terrorists in camps will affect the country negatively, and that it would be a security risk.  The fear psychosis now taking its grip in the North  may be the result of this “hasty release” of  terrorists who had been kept in separate camps.

These elements moving freely in Jaffna, could still be contacted by the pro terrorist Tamil diaspora, through TNA , and through people like Jehan Perera, Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu and rein them in to create an anti government group to cause  difficulties to the Government to maintain peace and security in the  North.  It may be the beginning of another armed group calling for a separate Eelam State.

UNP also had been calling for the release of  these suspected terrorists  in separate camps, and they may also be responsible for the reported fear psychosis in the North.

If peace is to be brought about in the North and East, to  avoid the people  to be gripped in to another wave of fear psychosis; the Tamils will have to put their trust in the Government and the Sinhala people and become Sri Lankans without  seeking a narrow communal existence.

The media in Sri Lanka today is the worst a fast developing country like Sri Lanka could have.  A progressive media should work along with the government  to unite the communities.  After the 30 years of savagery under terrorism what is needed today is to create possibilities of bringing the communities together as  Sri Lankans. Instead the media publish all types of  contradictory news items without any basis  merely to discredit the government.  The people are at a loss not knowing what is  the correct situation and what is  not.

An armed Force that waged a war against terrorist at a greater cost to themselves, is now not going to abduct,  kill, or rape the very people they saved from terrorism.  The Tamil people should be able to give credit to the armed forces and place their trust in them,  otherwise they will not be able to save themselves from their fear  of , “….. whether their area will be stained with blood again…….”   as Devananda stated in Parliament.

In the mean time , a group calling it self, « We Are Sri Lankans’ (WASL) organization backed by the Inter University Students Federation (IUSF)  »  had held the security establishments of the country responsible for the string of abductions taking place in the North that had led to an atmosphere of fear in the area.  This is a statement that should not go with out proper action against  Udul Premaratne who appears to be  behind it.  These are the people responsible for the « fear psychosis » in the North and they should be stopped before they cause further damage.

Tamils should be willing to become Sri Lankans.

Tamils will  not be a part of Sri Lanka as long as they refuse to integrate with other communities to become Sri Lankans. If Tamils stand aloof participating in  narrow Communal politics associating with TNA and their political objectives they cannot be Sri Lankans a part entieres .  They will then be a  race with one leg in India and the other in Sri Lanka.

There are Tamils in Tamil Nadu. There are Tamils in Malaysia. There are Tamils in Sri Lanka.  Tamils in Tamil Nadu are Indians, Tamils in Malaysia are Malaysians.  But the Tamils in Sri Lanka refuse to be Sri Lankans, they still want to be Tamils.

The  Tamils in Sri Lanka  should accept  to be Sri Lankans  before they make any demands.  The Sinhala the majority do not want to give any rights to the Tamils,  but they are ready to share their rights with other Communities including the Tamils, if they give up their narrow Communal identity to identify themselves with all communities as Sri Lankans.

The Tamils do not want to integrate with the Sinhala because of their inane inferiority complex.  The Tamils find strength in  the “ we Tamils” complex.  That  is again the reason why they want a Tamil homeland so that they can feel strong  being among themselves.

It is only in giving up their call for a homeland and integrating with other communities as Sri Lankans that  they will  be real patriots of their motherland -Sri Lanka, sharing every thing with their compatriots. The Sinhala,   who ask Tamils to come and become one with them are not racists. Nor are they supremacists or Chauvinists.  Those are the name callings of un Sri Lankan Tamil racists.

The Tamils of the  Diaspora are not  Sri Lankans because they were born to Tamil parents.  They will be  Sri Lankans only if they begin to love  Sri Lanka with all its communities without demanding a separate Tamil homeland.   Their cultural and mental make up do not have any resemblance  to the Tamils in Sri Lanka, therefore they should convert themselves to become Sri Lankans.

The Tamils joining hands with the Sinhala and other communities to become Sri Lankans will also be saved from any fear psychosis as the other communities will be there to rally together  to dispel their fear and give them patriotic affection.

Friday, December 17, 2010

An Active Land Settlement Policy Needed


 
By Don Wijewardena
December 16, 2010

Prabhakaran had to rely on the idea of a Tamil kingdom that was purported to have existed in the north to push for Tamil Eelam. And it continues to remain central to some of the current political parties too for obvious reasons: their very survival depends on the claim that attracts votes.

The main argument for not disturbing the existing pattern of land settlement in the north hinges on the claimed existence of an ancient Tamil kingdom. But this has been disputed by eminent historians, among them Professor Karthigesu Indrapala of the Jaffna University, Mudliyar C. Rasanayagam, Bernard Gunatillake and a host of others. The available evidence in fact, suggests the contrary. As noted by Prof. S Ranwella if there had been an independent Tamil kingdom in and around the Jaffna peninsula in ancient times, at least a few Tamil inscriptions of those kings who ruled in that kingdom should have come to light in and around the Jaffna peninsula. But so far not a single Tamil inscription, or any other inscription testifying to it has been discovered.

It is interesting that the earliest Tamil inscription discovered in the Jaffna District is by a Sinhalese king, namely Parakramabahu I(1153-1186) who ruled at Polonnaruwa. This inscription was found at the entrance to the famous Nakapusani-Amman Temple in the small island now know as Nainativu or Nagadipa; and it contains certain trade regulations concerning wreckages off the port of Uratturai i.e. present day Kayts (UCR. Vol.XXI, pp.63-70). In the words of Dr. Karthigesu Indrapala, the editor of this inscription ‘the fact that this edict was issued not by any subordinate official, but by the king himself shows that the monarch was in supreme control of the northern most region of the island (UCR.Vo.XXI,p.66). A map of Yapanaya or Jaffanapatnam recently found in the Beeldbank National Archives, in the Netherlands done in 1695 had more than 85% off all villages with Sinhalese names[1].

There is also ample evidence readily available in chronicles, records of foreign visitors to Sri Lanka and in contemporary inscriptions indicating that there were large and extensive Sinhalese settlements there from very early times and that the Sinhalese kings, from the beginning of the historical period up to the middle of the 18th century and thereafter the Nayakkar kings of the Kandyan kingdom up to its fall in 1815 were the lawful rulers of and the legal heirs to the Jaffna region.[2]

In view of the existence of a large body of literature on the subject it is not intended to delve into it in more detail here. But in spite of the evidence to the contrary the traditional homeland idea will continue to be pushed by some politicians, INGOs and a section of the media, more for their own benefit than in helping to clarify issues. To deal with the issue in a reasoned manner the government needs to develop a land settlement policy that addresses current realities and helps promote the national interest and democratic values.

 An objective basis for addressing the problem

The President has quite rightly pointed out recently that limiting settlement to a particular group or community cannot be justified in a democracy where its citizens should be able to acquire property rights anywhere in the country. In fact recent history of Sri Lanka suggests this facility has been widely used by Tamil people. According to the census data for 1981 and 2001 the population of Sri Lankan Tamils in the Colombo district increased from 10 to 11 per cent, in Kalutara from 1.2 to 1.3 per cent, in Galle 0.9 to 1.3 per cent, in Puttalam from 6.6 to 6.9 per cent and in Ratnapura from 2.4 to 3.4 per cent[3].

In absolute numbers the increase in the Tamil population in the greater Colombo region was 82,365. The city along with the adjacent urban areas of Dehiwala-Mount Lavinia, Kolonnawa and Kotte have accounted for 75,954 (or, 92% of the total district increase).

This increase, moreover, was brought about by the immigration of Tamils into the area from the north-east. As indicated in a post-census publication of the Department of Census & Statistics (2004), out of the total of 206,310 ‘life-time immigrants’ resident in the Colombo city in 2001, 54,732 had migrated from source areas in the north-east, with Jaffna District alone contributing 41,248 to this segment of the population[4].

These are telling statistics. They show that the Tamil people used their democratic right to move around in choosing where they wanted to live. It also shows that contrary to the LTTE claims of genocide by the Sinhalese, ordinary Tamils preferred to leave their ‘homeland’ to live among the Sinhalese even after the 1983 riots. 

It was not only the Tamil community that has shown such a high degree of mobility. Census data for the Colombo district shows that the Sri Lankan Moor population also increased at a similar rate during the period.

Given this background it is surprising that some politicians raise concerns regarding the reverse flow of population to predominantly Tamil areas. The government, as part of facilitating democratic process, needs not only to support such migrations but also to remove any legal or other impediments to such flows.

 National priorities

One of the key objectives of President Rajapaksa’s agenda for his second term is doubling of per capita income. High among the requirements for achieving this is the productive use of the country’s resources in particular, land and labour.  The past policy of colonization was based on this principle of moving people to where the land resources were and it paid off handsomely with vastly increased paddy production.  A first approximation for the basis of such a move is related to population density. Density measures the population per square kilometer of land. Census department data for 2009 shows that the average density of population for the country is 312 per square kilometre. Some districts, such as Colombo, have almost 12 times this average. At the other extreme is the district of Mannar, which has a population density of only 16 per cent of the average. (See table 1)

 TABLE 1:POPULATION DENSITY 
District Area (km²) Census of 1981-03-17 2009-07-01 2009 Density
Colombo 699 1,699,241 2,521,000 3607
Gampaha 1,387 1,390,862 2,165,000 1561
Kandy 1,940 1,048,317 1,415,000 729
Kalutara 1,598 829,704 1,128,000 706
Galle 1,652 814,531 1,074,000 650
Matara 1,283 643,786 831,000 648
Jaffna 1,025 738,788 607,000 592
Kegalla 1,693 684,944 813,000 480
Nuwara Eliya 1,741 603,577 755,000 434
Ratnapura 3,275 797,087 1,113,000 340
Kurunegala 4,816 1,211,801 1,550,000 322
Sri Lanka 65,610 14846750 20,450,000 312
Badulla 2,861 640,952 874,000 305
Puttalam 3,072 492,533 770,000 251
Matale 1,993 357,354 490,000 246
Hambantota 2,609 424,344 565,000 217
Batticaloa 2,854 330,333 537,000 188
Ampara 4,415 388,970 634,000 144
Trincomalee 2,727 255,948 368,000 135
Polonnaruwa 3,293 261,563 405,000 123
Kilinochchi 1,279 91,764 154,000 120
Anuradhapura 7,179 587,929 820,000 114
Vavuniya 1,967 95,428 169,000 86
Moneragala 5,639 273,570 435,000 77
Mullaitivu 2,617 77,189 154,000 59
Mannar 1,996 106,235 103,000 52
Source: Department of Census and Statistics

A logical basis to spread the population to less populated regions is colonisation of sparsely populated areas.

But this will require meeting at least two other conditions: sufficient arable land and adequate supply of water for irrigation. Although it may appear that some regions, especially in the arid zone, are not suitable for colonisation because of low rainfall modern technology allows for diversion of waterways to most parts Sri Lanka being a small island.
  
But at the same time it is worth noting that present day growth need not be limited to maximising output from the land since the service sector too can contribute enormously to the GDP. Having a relatively educated workforce may allow Sri Lanka to develop knowledge-based industries, which do not have to be necessarily located in Colombo or in close proximity. If call centres in Mumbai can answer the telephone of a New York based company, working from Hambantota or Point Pedro should not pose major problems.

Prevention of terrorism

Settlements also have major implications in terms of preventing terrorism. For instance to fire the first salvo in the Eelam war IV, Prabhakaran closed the Mavil Aru anicut on 26 July 2006, which supplied water to 30,000 farmers downstream. In retrospect, that may appear as a stupid idea since he was on the run from then on. But in fact it was part of a LTTE master plan to recapture Jaffna. The LTTE followed the closing of the anicut by attacks a week later, on army detachments at Kattaparichchan, Mahindapura and Pahalathoppur all with the aim of taking full control of the area surrounding the Trincomalee harbour and creating a land corridor to the north. It was also to allow free access to the Habarana-Trincomalee main supply route. All these were of critical importance to recapture the LTTE’s crown jewel, Jaffna peninsula. But a major obstacle to achieving this was the Sinhalese settlements south of Trincomalee especially in Kallar, Somapura and Serunuwara. These farmers relied on water from Mavil Aru and the first phase of the war was to drive them away by cutting off water supply[5].

But when that failed, with severe loss of manpower, the LTTE withdrew with the plan to capture Jaffna in tatters. This was a defining moment in Eelam War IV. Prabhakaran was banking on inflicting severe damage on the armed forces  at Mavil Aru before moving on to capturing the Jaffna peninsula. But all that failed and from then on Prabhakaran was unable to determine the course of Eelam War IV. 
  
There is an important lesson in the LTTE’s failure to recapture Jaffna. The Sinhalese settlements in Kallar, Somapura, Serunuwara and surrounding regions that interspersed with other communities formed a bulwark which the LTTE could not penetrate. Yet it was necessary for the LTTE to do this before it could take control of the Trincomalee harbour and create a passage to the north and access to the Habarana-Trincomalee supply route. Their inability to achieve this was a major reason for the Tiger failure. It proved that settlement by a mix of communities, instead of vast regions comprising a single community, is an effective barrier against covert activities by terrorists groups.

Other issues

Allowing for freer mobility of people to areas occupied predominantly by one community may in the long term dilute political representation. This may not pose major problems as evident from the way it has been handled in the Colombo region with multi-member electorates etc. Any major concerns regarding minorities should be addressed at the centre to ensure adequate representation in parliament for these groups. In this regard, among other things, the idea of a second chamber holds promise.

In summary, an active land settlement policy is critically important at this juncture both to promote democratic values in the community and support national objectives. The government should not be dissuaded by arguments of groups that survive on perpetuating sanctity of a mythical homeland.


[1] http://www.jaffnahistory.com/Northern_Province/Sinhala_Villages_of_Jaffna_1695.html
[2] Prof. S.Ranwella, The so-called Tamil kingdom of Jaffna:  Paper submitted to Sansoni Commission.
[3] S. Maduraperuma, The census of population and housing, 2001. http://www.ancsdaap.org/cencon2002/papers/Sri%20Lanka/SriLanka.pdf
[4] G.H.Peiris, Ethnic relations in Sri Lanka: conflict or concord?, Lanka Guardian, http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2009/03/ethnic-relations-in-sri-lanka-conflict.html 
[5] Don Wijewardana, How LTTE Lost the Eelam War, Stamford Lake Publications, 2010

Saturday, December 11, 2010

The Tamil leadership solely responsible for what happened to the Tamil people

   
By H.L.D. Mahindapala
LankaWeb.com
December 08, 2010 

The following is the full text of the  submission made by H. L. D. Mahindapala to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission on November 29, 2010.

Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the Commission,

I am honoured and privileged to be invited to give evidence before this Commission on the historic and epic events of our time and I thank the Commission for giving me this opportunity.

Before I go any further I must congratulate the Commission for the progress made so far, particularly in giving the lie to its critics who dismissed it as not being credible as that of an international inquiry. The impressive and credible proceedings of this commission have once again debunked the cynical attitude common to some Sri Lankans who believe that the local products are never so good as the imported goods and services. I cannot see how three foreign gentlemen, sitting in far away New York, with a pre-determined  attitude towards Sri Lanka, can investigate and report on the conditions in Sri Lanka based on accounts presented by questionable sources which have a notorious record of reporting adversely and negatively on Sri Lanka. It is predictable that the UN Panel appointed by the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, — knowing particularly the attitude problem of the UN panellists – will merely rubber stamp the prevailing judgment of the West denigrating the greatest historical movement in the living memory of Sri Lankans.

I wish to state categorically that the World alliance for Peace, which I represent, has implicit trust and faith in the integrity and the capabilities of the distinguished Commissioners to fulfil their mandate with honour. May I, therefore, begin by congratulating the Commission for its outstanding performance as yet another successful endeavour in telling the critics and the doubting Thomases that we can – yes, we can – handle our problems on our own, in our own way, without meddlesome foreigners  trying to teach grandmothers how to suck eggs. The irony in all this is that these foreigners are preaching and imposing universal moral standards on us on the dubious principle that we must do what they say and not what they do.

Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the Panel we value and appreciate the advances you have made so far and we trust and hope that you will continue to do so to serve the nation which is in need of guidance to achieve the laudable and ultimate goal of reconciliation.

I am here today as the representative of the World Alliance for Peace in Sri Lanka (WAPS). It is a global net work, spread from Toronto to Melbourne, dedicated to combat the formidable anti-Sri Lankan forces damaging the image of Sri Lanka abroad. It consists of committed volunteers who are in the forefront   of an international movement to protect, preserve and promote the good name of Sri Lanka. WAPS is an independent organisation which does not dependent for funds, or directions from of any government, either in Sri Lanka or elsewhere. WAPS operates on self-raised funds collected from patriotic Sri Lankans in the diaspora and I am proud to represent WAPS which is perhaps the only NGO consisting of Sri Lankans without any links to any government either in Sri Lanka or abroad or foreign funding agencies.  It is does not pretend to be an non-governmental organisation like the NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR PEACE , OR THE CENTRE FOR POLICY ALTERNATIVE  which are, in fact, linked either directly or indirectly to Western governments or their  funding agencies.

Western governments and private funding agencies work hand in hand to finance local NGOs which are the hired agents to do their dirty work in crisis-torn or less developed countries like Sri Lanka. To the West it is cheaper to outsource their foreign policy agenda to hired hands in local NGOs because they have proved to be highly sophisticated agents who can push the Western political agenda on a cheaper rate than their costly career diplomats posted in Addis Ababa, Islamabad or Colombo. Western governments have openly admitted that NGOs are their “soft power” used effectively to promote their political agenda. It is, therefore, a misnomer to consider National Council for Peace or Centre for Policy Alternative or International Centre for Ethnic Studies ,  to mention only a few,  as NGOs because they are, directly or indirectly, indebted  to governments abroad. These NGOs also work closely with the diplomatic missions of the West which are the local arms of the Western governments. So if these NGOs are funded by Western sources, directly or indirectly linked to Western governments, and if they also work closely with diplomats of foreign governments, how can they be called non-governmental organisations? They act as the local arm of foreign governments. They dance to their tune because that is the only means by which they can keep their funds flowing from Western sources. If the local NGOs fail to promote a political agenda that is useful to Western sources then they go out of business.

One of the main aims of WAPS is to take on these NGOs both in Sri Lanka and abroad which are, by and large, anti-Sri Lankan political fronts of the West. Distinguished members of the Commission, it is my intention to focus exclusively on reconciliation for several reasons. 1) Reconciliation has been on the national agenda from colonial times where competing communities were vying with each other for power and territory and it continues to be on the national agenda to this day almost in the same format. 2) It is prioritized as the prime necessity of the day for us to move forward. 3) International and national pressures are mounted on this issue of reconciliation. 4)  I believe reconciliation is also the primary objective of this Commission.

When we talk of reconciliation we mean essentially the reconciliation of the Sinhalese with the Tamil-speaking community that took up arms demanding a separate state. A notable – but mostly ignored – political fact is that the relations with the other two Tamil-speaking communities, the Muslims and the Indian Tamils, remained undisturbed at normal levels without either of them going to the extreme of demanding a separate state or taking up arms against the majority Sinhalese. This single political statistic is revealing because the Sinhalese who have been denigrated as extremists, chauvinists, anti-Tamil racists could never have succeeded in co-existing peacefully with two other Tamil-speaking communities if they are bad as they are painted to be.

This single political statistic also goes against the general accusation that the Sinhala majority has been the oppressor of the Tamil-speaking communities. This makes it abundantly clear that, despite differences and tensions, the Sinhala majority has been successful in maintaining harmonious and peaceful relations with two of the Tamil-speaking communities and had problems with only one Tamil-speaking community. This single political fact should speak more about the peninsular political culture with its mono-ethnic extremism than about the Sinhalese who had down the ages co-existed as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural and pluralistic entity.

The myths that dominate the political landscape have turned reality on its head. For instance, the multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural and pluralistic Sinhala society is denigrated as racist or chauvinistic while the mono-culture of Jaffna which fought strenuously to preserve its mono-ethnic hegemony is projected as an exclusive haven of cultural superiority. The anti-Sinhala lobby manufactured an ideology to paint the Sinhalese as extremists and paint the mono-ethnic extremism of the Jaffna Tamils as the victims of Sinhala oppression.  If, as they say, the Sinhala majority was oppressing the Tamil-speaking minority on the scale described by NGOs and allied propagandists of the Jaffna Tamil separatist lobby, wouldn’t all other Tamil-speaking communities have common cause to gang up against the Sinhalese? Besides, why did the Jaffna Tamil leadership fail to mobilize the other two Tamil-speaking communities in their political and military campaigns against their so-called “Sinhala oppressors”? Serious attempts were made by S. J. V. Chelvanayakam to form a pan-Tamil-speaking peoples’ front against the Sinhalese but he failed to get them into a common front against the Sinhalese.

If on the convincing mathematics visible to rational political analysts, the Sinhala majority had maintained harmonious relations with two of the Tamil-speaking communities, resolving differences without violence, why did the Jaffna Tamil leadership alone fail to maintain non-violent, harmonious relations with the other communities? Why did they drag their own people through a futile war into the abysmal depths of Nandikadal? What did they achieve? They went to destroy the Sinhalese whom they had demonized globally and in the end it boomeranged on them. Their violence turned inwards and they lost their entire leadership, they lost their kith and kin, and they lost their self-respect and dignity when they were forced to surrender to the fascist terror of a pathological serial killer. Now that we have gone through the worst phase the time has come for the Jaffna Tamil leadership to consider how the other two-Tamil speaking community leaders have succeeded in guiding their communities to constructive and promising ends and why only the Jaffna Tamil leadership failed? Why is it that reconciliation was possible with the other two-Tamil speaking communities and not with only one community in Jaffna?

The answer can be found in the intricacies and the complexities of peculiar peninsular political culture which dragged the Jaffna people from colonial times to mono-ethnic extremism. In summary it can be demonstrated that reconciliation with the northern leadership was doomed to fail because of their intransigence and extremist mono-ethnic ideology that refused to compromise anything short of their fancy state of Eelam.

Jaffna jingoism was the most destructive and counter-productive of all the political cultures of the Tamil-speaking communities.  Their ideologues and intellectuals who rationalized the mono-ethnic extremism of Jaffna demanded that reconciliation should be based only on the terms dictated by the extremist agenda of the Jaffna-centric politics. This intransigence was one of the primary causes that led to the failures of any moves towards reconciliation.

Reconciliation has been viewed, argued and projected as a one-way process – i.e., the government of day should give in to the demands of only one Tamil-speaking community disregarding or marginalizing the aspirations, the historical grievances, and the needs of the other minority and majority communities whose main objective has been to co-exist in harmony with each other, sharing the land in common with all those who consider the entire 25,000 square miles, from Point Pedro to Dondra, to be their homeland without any divisions.

Successive governments have gone down this one-way track without any success. Every national, regional and international endeavour to bring about reconciliation failed because each move was aimed at appeasing the intransigent leadership of Jaffna. The Indian move to bring about reconciliation ended in assassinating Rajiv Gandhi. The Premadasa moves to reconcile ended in assassinating Premadasa. The Chandrika-Neelan move to produce a charter for reconciliation ended in assassinating Neelan and nearly getting Chandrika.  The last major one-way attempt at reconciliation was when Ranil Wickremesinghe signed the CFA with Prabhakaran conceding almost the next best thing to Eelam. It failed because the Jaffna Tamil leadership, as usual, refused to accept it as the route to reconciliation.

Besides, the undeniable fact is that these reconciliatory moves, signed by the Tamil leadership, were approved by the Tamil people and their fellow-travellers in the NGO circuit.  So what is the logic in saying that the Sinhala leadership had not made genuine moves at reconciliation? The Sinhala leadership had even gone as far as dismissing or marginalizing the aspirations and needs of other Tamil-speaking and Sinhala communities.  Ranil  Wickremesinghe, for instance, committed crimes against the nation when he authorized the supply of arms and ammunition, duty free, to the Tamil Tigers. He even put the Navy Commander, Wasantha Karannagoda, on the mat for sinking a Tamil Tiger boat smuggling arms and ammunition. He should go into the records of the Guinness Book for being the first prime minister in any part of the world who had pulled up his Navy Commander for defending the territorial integrity and security of the nation. It is the innocent youth in the Security Forces who had to pay with their lives to repair the damage done in the CFA.


However misguided he was Wickremesinghe’s actions prove that he was bending over backwards to appease the Tamil leadership – a task that was doomed to fail. Successive Sri Lankan leaders have gone out of their way – sometimes under international pressure – to reconcile with the Tamil separatists. But they never succeeded. Though the evidence is loaded against the Jaffna Tamil leadership for deliberately pursuing a military solution, refusing a negotiated settlement, it is the “Sinhala state” that is blamed for each failure to reconcile with the Jaffna Tamil leadership.

The Nordic peace-makers are on record saying that 95% of the terms and conditions of the CFA were violated by the LTTE.  So who should take the responsibility for the failure to bring about reconciliation? It was the Tamil leadership that decided to seek a military solution when they passed the Vadukoddai Resolution on May 14, 1976. It is this notorious Resolution that endorsed unanimously the decision to wage a war against the rest of the nation. Prof. A. J. Wilson, son-in- law of Chelvanayakam , the father of separatism and the man who posed as Gandhi, states in his biography that Chelvanayakam went through every word of the Vadukoddai Resolution.  It specifically urged the Tamil youth to take up arms and never rest until they achieve their goal of Eelam.

So it is not the “Sinhala state” that adopted the military solution. Historical documents record that it was the Tamil leadership that deliberately and consciously decided to go down the path of violence.  It was the Tamil leadership that provided the ideology to instigate the Tamil youth to take up arms. It was the Tamil leadership that financed the bullets, the guns, landmines, hand grenades, the boats and all the other firearms when the doors were open to them to negotiate like the other two Tamil-speaking communities. It was the Tamil leadership that gave the silent assent to the killings of Tamil leaders.

Having reneged on national, regional and international agreements, having rejected all reasonable offers for reconciliation, even those offers that came with international guarantees, the Tamil leadership and their fellow-travellers in academia, media, NGOs etc refuse to accept responsibility for the horrendous political crimes committed in the name of the Tamil people.   Not surprisingly, the intellectuals, academics, NGO pundits produced volumes rationalizing their divisive politics and justifying Tamil violence by blaming the Sinhalese.

Blaming the Sinhalese is the most common feature of the Jaffna Tamil political culture. Jaffna-centric politics thrived on targeting the Sinhalese. It eventually turned into a cult of hate. The ultimate expression of this anti-Sinhala politics was encapsulated in the Vadukoddai Resolution. It is the most decisive document to come out of Jaffna defining their political goals, violent strategies and the cult of hate. It produced an ideology based primarily on the fictitious history and the concocted geography.

A whole new ideological industry grew round the Vadukoddai Resolution. The pro-separatist seminars, lectures, researches, publications were aimed at blaming only the Sinhala-Buddhists. The Vadukoddai ideology was designed to exonerate the Jaffna Tamil leadership from all blame and any analysis of subsequent studies will reveal that academics and public intellectuals never deviated one inch from the fictions and concoctions laid down in the Vadukoddai Resolution. In the end they blamed Prabhakaran also as a creation of the Sinhalese. If Prabhakaran was a creation of the Sinhalese his bullets should have been directed only at the Sinhalese. But why did he turn his guns first on the fathers of Vadukoddai Resolution which endorsed Tamil violence? Did the Sinhalese instruct him to target the entire Tamil leadership? If, as claimed, he came out of Sinhala violence, why did he target the innocent Muslims? What had they done to him? Why did he pluck Tamil children from the breasts of Tamil mothers? Was it the Sinhalese who prompted him to commit these crimes against humanity?

Demonizing the Sinhala-Buddhists was a necessary strategy to justify Tamil violence and extremist demands. At the root of Tamil violence and extremist demands was this Vadukoddai ideology which  defined and laid down the road map to Eelam which, contrary to their expectations, ended in Nandikadal.

The Vadukoddai Resolution produced the Vadukoddai War which lasted 33 years and four days. It had a definite beginning (MAY 14, 1976) and it had a definite ending on May 18, 2009. I consider this as one continuous War and not as four Eelam Wars. The fact that Vadukoddai War see-sawed between low-intensity and high-intensity phases does not add up to four wars. It was just one continuous war led by the Jaffna war-mongers who deliberately declared war on the rest of the nation in the Vadukoddai Resolution.

This Commission and the nation at large are now engaged in working out modalities for reconciliation. There are many roads to reconciliation, ranging from state initiatives to organised activities at the grass root levels. Reconciliation is also not one-way traffic. It takes two to arrive at reconciliation. Reconciliation, it should be noted, is a process that begins in the minds. Breaking down the mental barriers, misperceptions, prejudices and fear-mongering are some of the essentials needed to bring about reconciliation. Above all, no reconciliation is possible if the ideology that led to the Vadukoddai War is left unchallenged.

Vadukoddai Resolution was not meant for reconciliation. It was meant to demonize the Sinhalese, rewrite their history to suit the agenda of Jaffna-centric politics and whip up anti-Sinhala sentiments to keep Vadukoddai violence at boiling point.   In fact, when the Tamil separatist decided to go down the path laid out in the Vadukoddai  Resolution they opened up two fronts: 1. The military front on the ground where the Tamil youth took up arms as stipulated in the Vadukoddai  Resolution and 2. the ideological front which justified and fuelled the Vadukoddai War for 33 years. We have won the war on the ground. But we have yet to win on the second front  — the ideological front which is as formidable as the defeated military front.

The Vadukoddai ideology hangs like a Damocles sword over the head of the nation. The Tamil diaspora is driven primarily by the Vadukoddai ideology. That is their one and only reference point. The Provisional Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam is designed to achieve the goals of the Vadukoddai Resolution. Though the Tamil Tigers – the misled children of the Vadukoddai Resolution — are dead the ideology is still alive.

Combating this ideology is a sine qua non for the nation to advance toward reconciliation. The primary task of the second front, which the government has not yet opened in any effective way, is to demolish the political myths and fictions woven round the Vadukoddai Resolution.   No amount of legislation can win this ideological battle. It is going to be a battle for the hearts and minds of the people. Reconciliation is possible only when the minds are liberated from myths of divisive and violent politics embedded in the Vadukoddai Resolution. The removal of the Tamil Tiger terrorists from the political equation helps. But the ideology that fired them up continues to linger on in various shades and manifestations.

This is why the ideological battle has to be taken seriously and fought relentlessly like the recently concluded war on the ground. The common thrust of the anti-Sinhala ideology is based on the allegation of discrimination against the Tamils. Apart from the concocted historical and geographical fictions, Jaffna-centric politics has consistently accused what they called the ”Sinhala state” on grounds of discrimination. It is the rationale on which Jaffna-centric politics took to violence. This accusation has been accepted uncritically by the assorted pundits who found it very lucrative to toe this line.

It has become an integral part of conventional wisdom that hardly anyone dares to challenge it. I have no time to cover all the issues of discrimination raised by the Jaffna Tamil lobby. But let me deal with the main accusation based on the Sinhala Only Act.  As a result of the massive propaganda the world has come to know this as the symbol of discrimination against the Tamil-speaking people. But the two other Tamil-speaking communities – the Muslims and the Indians – did not consider this as an issue on which they could take up arms or demand a separate state. What should be noted is that all the issues of discrimination were raised and pursued relentlessly, ending up in the Vadukoddai War, only by the Jaffna Tamils. Practically every one of the issues of discrimination raised by the Jaffna Tamil political caste/class – except the citizenship issue of the Indians – were irrelevant to the other two Tamil-speaking communities. This is one of the reasons why the issue of discrimination sounds so hollow. If two out of three Tamil-speaking communities pursued consistently a political programme of peaceful co-existence whilst gaining their rights by non-violent politics what was the justification of the Jaffna political caste/class to go all the way from Vadukoddai to Nandikadal?

Take the example of the Sinhala Only Act which is cited as the mother of all evil in Sri Lankan politics. It was not just the Jaffna Tamils but the entire Westernized, English- educated ruling class of all communities, including the Sinhalese, that rebelled against it. Even among the Tamils the language issue was confined essentially to the English-educated professionals, particularly those in the public service. The vast majority of the Tamils who lived among the Sinhalese had no problem with Sinhala as the language of commerce. When I grew up my barber, my corner store grocer, my thosai boutique man, my rickshaw man who took me to school, the botal karaya, — you name it – were all Tamils and they had no problem with Sinhalese. My mother who shopped for her jewellery at Sea Street had no problem in bargaining with the Tamil jewellers in Sinhalese. In fact, it was a problem confined only to the 6% of the English educated elite who resented and resisted their power and privileges being taken away by enthroning the language of the majority of the people. They were bent on retaining the colonial privileges which would deprive the 94% of the people to communicate with the language of their elected government in the mother tongue. Which democratic, or for that even a dictatorship, would continue in the unfair practice of running a government in an alien language? Is France run in English? Is England administered in Welsh? Is China run in Japanese? Why is it right for all other nations to run their governments in the language of the majority but not Sri Lanka?

But let me hasten to add that the Tamils also had the right communicate with their elected government in their mother tongue. And provision was made for it by S.W. R. D. Bandaranaike, the greatest Sinhala liberal leader who was demonized by the Tamil lobby as the sole author who deprived them of their rights. Bandaranaike did not overthrow the Tamil language. He only dethroned the English language. His mission was to redress the imbalances left behind by centuries of colonialism. The pendulum that swung to the West under colonialism was swinging to the East in all ex-colonies. One of the first rights of the people was to be governed in their own language.

When Sinhala Only act was passed Chelvanayakam went from kachcheri  kachcheri urging the Tamil public servants not to learn Sinhala. This is typical of the narrow-minded, divisive politics of Jaffna-centric politics that took them eventually to Nandikadal. It is the duty of all public servants to serve the public and it was duty of all public servants to serve 75% of population in Sinhala. Chelvanayakam and the English-educated ruling class did not want to change the colonial practices. They were for retaining the status quo. In other words, Chelvanayakam wanted the public to learn the language of public servants instead of the public servants learning the language of the public. How fair is this by the public? In fairness to Bandaranaike, it must be stated that he made it compulsory for Sinhala and Burgher public servants to learn Tamil and even provided free classes in the departments for public servants to learn the languages of the public.  It was this policy of democratizing the administration and making the administration accessible to the public without any language barriers that was vilified as a racist act by the “Sinhala state” against the Tamils.

Let us also not forget that it was the Sinhala youth that took up arms first on the cry of discrimination. They too raised the language issue but on a class basis. They said that English was the language of the ruling class that denied opportunities to the lower classes. The Jaffna Tamils took up the same issue on an ethnic basis and accused the Sinhalese of pursuing racist politics. Even the Marxist leaders eventually came to the conclusion that it was a class issue and not an ethnic issue. And despite all these allegations of discrimination on a language basis the nation is still run in English. The judiciary, the executive and the legislature are ruled by and large in English. Even the bulk of the evidence recorded in this commission is in English. So where is the discrimination if all three languages are used in running the administration to this day?

Let me highlight some key aspects which debunk this myth of discrimination. Distinguished members there are 192 flags flying at the UN. Of all these flags it is only the Sri Lankan flag that has given the Tamils a place of respect, dignity and honour. A flag is the highest symbol of any nation. When the President salutes the national flag he salutes the Tamils and Muslims also. So has “the Sinhala state” excluded the Tamils and given them a lesser status nationally or internationally? Take the case of currency – another symbol of national recognition. Every currency note gives Tamil it due recognition as an equal partner. So where is this discrimination? This place of honour is not there for the Tamils even in India – the ONLY homeland of the Tamils.

In what way have these unique symbols denied the Tamils of their rights, their culture, their identity? On the contrary, in building this nation have not the “successive “Sinhala governments” placed the minorities on equal footing at every critical level? This is confirmed by the fact that two Tamil-speaking communities have refused to join the Jaffna Tamils in their violent campaign against Sri Lanka. They had no reason to join hands because the issues of discrimination and other allegations were not valid. If the allegations of discrimination and oppression of the minorities were valid it would have been felt right across the board among the minorities. But it didn’t. They all spoke the Tamil language, they all faced the identical Sinhala majority and they lived in the same political space. Their refusal to join hands with the Jaffna Tamils on allegations of discrimination and oppression refutes conclusively the concocted allegations of the Jaffna Tamils.

As a result of the distorted ideologies of the peninsular political culture the nation was put through the most traumatic period in its history. The Jaffna Tamil political parties have survived in the past on this culture of blaming the Sinhalese. If they are to learn from history the one outstanding lesson they must accept is that there is no future in the ideologically misguided past. They have pushed their mono-ethnic politics to the extreme and they have lost.  Their task now is to re-imagine their place in a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-religious state.

But to sum up, their politics of mono-ethnic extremism will not end as long as their second front – the ideological front — is left wide open. Reconciliation can be built only by abandoning the Vadukoddai ideology which has no future. Those who are still committed to this ideology have not grasped the geo-political realities that went against the Vadukoddai ideology. The Tamil leaders knew that the international community was against a separate state but they never told that to the Tamil people. They kept the illusion of Eelam alive for their own self-interest without any regard for the suffering of the Tamil people.

Let us not forget that in all this it is the Jaffna Tamil people who suffered most.  The Jaffna Tamil leadership must apologise on their knees to the Jaffna people for leading them to Nandikadal.  Jaffna deserves a more enlightened leadership that can save them from going down the same old route from Vadukoddai to Nandikadal. Blaming the Sinhalese is not going to pay them any dividends any more.  They must take responsibility for manufacturing the Vadukoddai ideology that took them nowhere. No one asked them to pass the Vadukoddai Resolution. They did it on their own. No one asked them to drag the Tamil people, using them as a human shield, to Nandikadal. They alone must take full responsibility for what happened to the Tamil people.  They must not only apologise but also promise their people never to take them down the path to another Nandikadal.