Sri Lanka defeats LTTE insurgency, returns on path of 8% growth rate

By Gen. Ashok K Mehta
IndiaTimes.com
August 11, 2011

Not only did the Sri Lankan Army (SLA) comprehensively defeat the LTTE insurgency - the first such victory in the 21 century, but it also returned the country to a high growth rate path of 8%. That's the judgment Central Bank of Ceylon governor Ajith Cabraal made during the international conference last month at Colombo.

He considers the Sri Lankan military very productive, winning the war on the cheap: for $5.5 billion between 2006 and 2009, which is 4% of the GDP. By contrast, the US has spent nearly $1 trillion on its unfinished wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. That government message is not going out loudly enough.

Instead, it has to justify victory and confront western allegations of human rights violations amounting to war crimes. The LTTE knew that killing the economy would result in Sri Lanka becoming a failed state. It chose economic targets in Colombo - the Central Bank, international airport and hotels - launching suicide attacks that also destroyed tourism.

Although the annual economic loss during the war was around 1-2% of the GDP, the economy grew for the most part, at 6% as the insurgency was confined to the North-East. Previous governments did not attempt defeating the LTTE militarily for fear of costs, high political uncertainty, loss of investor confidence and lack of political will. No one knew how India would react but most of all, few believed it was possible to subdue the LTTE.

So when the campaign was launched with hopeful titles like Eastern Awakening and Northern Spring, military commanders pursued a measured strategy of attrition and recapture of territory, certainly not the rout of LTTE. This is akin to India's capture in 1971 of Dacca, which was never envisaged in the original plans, regardless of claims made later.

The SLA deservedly congratulated itself on doing the unthinkable - conquering an invincible LTTE, thanks to its leader Prabhakaran's strategic follies including fighting positional battles instead of employing unconventional tactics, its forte. What surprised Sri Lanka was India's strategic cooperation in the destruction of the LTTE.

Recently one Sri Lankan minister said that Sri Lanka did not think India will allow the war to continue after the fall of Kilinochchi. Western pressures were used to end the war. In 2009, the EU withdrew the GSP plus concession on textiles which resulted in a recurring loss of nearly $200 million and the IMF delayed giving the loan.

What surprised Prabhakaran was a 'transformed' SLA led from the front by unrelenting commanders, backed by resolute political leadership and the adulation of the majority Sinhalese community prepared for any sacrifice to end the LTTE reign of terror.

Mr Cabraal said that President Mahinda Rajapaksa had ordered full financial support for the war, which was reflected in successive defence budgets managed by the President's younger brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a former army officer. He pioneered fast-track weapons acquisition ensuring troops had the wherewithal to fight. Pakistan and China, India's twin adversaries, were the main suppliers of military hardware as India provided only defensive weapons.

Two years after the war, the investment on defence has paid off. The economic indicators are striking. There is a brain gain instead of the usual brain drain. Inflation is down to single figure, unemployment below 5%, fiscal deficit down from 6.8% to 5%, malnutrition down from 35% to 13.5% and poverty down to 7.6% in 2009-10 from 15.2% in 2006-07 - the fastest reduction in the world.

 ....................................

SRI LANKA's ELEPHANT CENSUS:

False allegations will be laid to rest with the 'Factual Analysis Report'- Secretary Defence

By Hon. Gotabaya Rajapaksa
Secretary of Defence, Sri Lanka
Defence.lk

August 02, 2011

"The false claims and allegations made by Tamil Diaspora together with the LTTE international network will be laid to rest with the release of the factual analysis reports, said Secretary Defence Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

He expressed these views addressing the gathering at the launching of the report titled "Humanitarian Operation Factual Analysis July 2006 - May 2009," on Monday (Aug 01), at the Hilton Colombo.

Secretary Defence further questioned, "Why should the government, which directly looked after the family of LTTE leaders, kill those who surrendered to the military?"

"The sole purpose of these allegations is to discredit Sri Lanka and disrupt the prevailing peace in the country," he said commenting on the Channel-4 canard, "11,000 former LTTE cadres have been rehabilitated and reintegrated to society thus far. Medical supplies were released to the North even up to the last day of the humanitarian mission, which ended on May 18, 2009", he further stressed.

Full text of the speech delivered by Secretary Defence Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the release of the report, "Humanitarian Operation: Factual Analysis" on 01st August, 2011 at Hilton- Colombo. 

Religious Dignitaries

Hon. G. L. Pieris, Minister of External Affairs

Other Honourable Ministers

Members of Parliament

Excellences, the Ambassadors & High Commissioners of other nations

Mr. Lalith Weeratunga, Secretary to the President

Secretaries to Ministries

Chief of Defence Staff

Service Commanders

Distinguished Guests

Ladies and Gentlemen: 

Good morning. I would like to warmly welcome all of you and thank you for your presence here today. The purpose of today's event is to officially release the report that has been compiled by the Ministry of Defence on the Humanitarian Operation. The purpose of this report is to set out the factual background and operational context, which brought peace to Sri Lanka by liberating our people from the brutal terrorism of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the LTTE, in May 2009. 

The report begins with a detailed analysis of the LTTE, including its true nature, and its growth and sophistication over the years, and the threat it posed to all Sri Lankans. The LTTE was a vicious terrorist group that suppressed democracy in the areas it dominated, killed all its rivals and assassinated moderate Tamil politicians and intellectuals, and spread terror throughout Sri Lanka with its many attacks on innocent civilians. Raising funds through its international criminal network, the LTTE not only had the ability to use semi-conventional tactics on land, but also acquired sea and air dimensions to strengthen its offensive capability. The size and scale of the LTTE was equivalent to many conventional forces; any attempt to defeat it militarily required the proportionate use of force. 

Through the years, successive Governments of Sri Lanka attempted many solutions to the conflict, including military engagement as well as peace talks. The sincere efforts of the Governments to seek a solution through negotiation, however, were always sabotaged by the LTTE. Though it sought the refuge of ceasefires whenever it was weakened militarily, the LTTE had no interest in peace. This is made abundantly clear by its acts of brazen provocation during each ceasefire period, especially the last ceasefire from 2002 to 2006.

The second part of this report begins by describing the resumption of hostilities in 2006. The closure of the Mavil Aru sluice gate by the LTTE in July of that year threatened a humanitarian disaster in the east, affecting many thousands of Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese civilians. The near simultaneous attacks launched on Security Forces positions made it clear that the closure of the Mavil Aru sluice gate was only the start of the LTTE's offensive. In the circumstances, the Government had no option but to launch a military operation to save the country from the LTTE menace. This section of the report charts the progress of that Humanitarian Operation. It also describes the many precautions taken by the Government to safeguard civilian lives during the period of hostilities, and the broader frameworks within which civilian rights were protected. 

The final part of the report is a brief overview of the consequences of the Humanitarian Operation, which shows a Sri Lanka that is finally at peace. The country is now rebuilding after suffering thirty long years of terrorism. Democracy has been restored to every part of the country, the North has almost completely been demined, nearly all internally displaced people have been resettled in their homes, normalcy has returned throughout the land and an economic revival is at hand. Sri Lanka has thirty years of lost opportunities to catch up on. While we will certainly engage with and account for the events of the past, our focus must be on the future. 

In this regard, it is disturbing to note that the rump of the LTTE organisation together with some in the Tamil Diaspora are still working to tarnish the image of this country, sow discord amongst our people, and drag Sri Lanka back into the past. They make various allegations against the conduct of the Humanitarian Operation, which have unfortunately been given far too much attention. These allegations are quite absurd.

Take for instance the allegation that the Security Forces killed or gravely mistreated those who surrendered or were detained. This has been repeated loudly and repeated often, but it is not an accusation that stands up to scrutiny. By the end of the Humanitarian Operation more than 11,000 LTTE cadres surrendered to Security Forces. Despite the various acts of terrorism and mass murder they had committed, these cadres were not mistreated in any way. The 595 child soldiers who surrendered were reunited with their families within one year, while over 6,100 adult cadres were rehabilitated and released by June 2011. Most of the remaining cadres are undergoing further rehabilitation programmes and will be reintegrated to society when they are ready. Those culpable for atrocities at a higher level will be prosecuted through legal channels. 

The Government of Sri Lanka has taken the utmost care to look after not only those citizens who were oppressed by LTTE terrorism in the North and East, but even those who were directly connected with the LTTE. As the Humanitarian Operation was drawing to a close, the parents of LTTE leader Prabhakaran were among the IDPs who came over to Government controlled territory. Instead of being mistreated in any way, Prabhakaran's father and mother were treated with the utmost consideration and care until they passed away of natural causes in January 2010 and February 2011 respectively. 

The same consideration has been extended to the families of other LTTE leaders. Soosai was the leader of the Sea Tiger wing, one of the most influential leaders of the LTTE after Prabhakaran, and responsible for the deaths of so many Naval personnel. The Navy intercepted his wife and children, along with the family of another senior LTTE leader Ruben, as they tried to leave Sri Lanka by boat at night during the last week of the Humanitarian Operation. From the time of their interception, these families have been well looked after by the Navy. 

Another example is the family of Tamilchelvan, who was an LTTE area commander who rose through the ranks to become the head of its so-called political wing. He was killed in a precision air strike carried out by the Air Force in November 2007. After his family identified themselves to the Security Forces in May 2009, the Government has looked after them. They are living comfortably in Colombo. Such courtesies were not only extended to the families of LTTE leaders, but also to former LTTE cadres themselves. George Master and Daya Master, who were full-time members of the LTTE also surrendered during the last stages of the Operation. They too were cared for. 

Why should a Government that extended such care to families so directly linked to the LTTE, and former LTTE cadres themselves, be accused of mistreating civilians who suffered because of the LTTE? Yet that is the accusation levelled against Sri Lanka by parties with vested interests. It is extremely unfortunate that there are some who get swayed by such malign and absurd accusations instead of paying attention to the facts. They have got carried away by the media hysteria generated by LTTE apologists, and have neglected to verify the true picture for themselves. 

Take for example this accusation of "up to 40,000 civilian casualties" occurring during the Humanitarian Operation. This is a vague accusation, based on even vaguer arithmetic, which keeps getting repeated without any sort of critical analysis by people who should know better. At various times during the Humanitarian Operation, various estimates were made by various parties about the overall population figure in the North.

According to the Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies, the number was between 75,000 and 150,000. According to the UN Resident Coordinator, the number was between 120,000 and 180,000. According to the World Food Programme, the number was 210,000. According to the Government Agent in Mullaitivu, the number was 305,000. The largest estimate given is that last one, by the GA Mullaitivu. The registered number of IDPs at the end of the Humanitarian Operation was 294,000. 

Estimating the number of people who were in the North is a very complex task. A large number of people left Sri Lanka without going through legal channels during the period of the conflict. Approximately 100,000 people went to India by boat, including several LTTE cadres, and live there in camps. However, we do not have enough information to identify these people. Similarly, there are large numbers residing as refugees in places such as Indonesia, the Christmas Islands, Australia and Canada. Their names are unknown to us, and these countries do not release that information. 

To address this issue of initial population estimates, a comprehensive statistical analysis has been undertaken by the Government. This analysis is challenging. There is no census data for the North after 1981, and so many people fled LTTE controlled areas to the rest of Sri Lanka as well as other countries over the last three decades. Nevertheless, the Government is confident that a much more accurate estimate of the population in the North can be arrived at with the conclusion of this analysis. It is only then that this subject can be discussed with any accuracy. 

In the meantime, the Government has other sources it can rely on. In December 2009, the Government together with UNICEF launched a programme to trace the missing in the Northern Province. The Vavuniya Government Agent and the Probation and Childcare Commissioner in the Northern Province jointly established a Family Tracing and Reunification Unit with UNICEF assistance. This Unit undertook a comprehensive programme to catalogue all those who were missing, adults as well as children. Families were encouraged to report missing persons to a hotline, and any information available with the Government Agent, District Secretaries, Divisional Secretariats, hospital staff and police officers was also collected. As of 30th June 2011, 2,564 reports have been received. These relate to 1,888 adults and 676 children. It is important to note that the reports made by the parents of these missing children confirm that 64% of them were recruited by the LTTE. It is likely that the actual percentage is even higher. In this context, it is clear that the accusations levelled against Sri Lanka have little foundation. Why then, do they continue to recur? 

It is important to realise that although the LTTE has been militarily defeated in Sri Lanka, its international organisation remains largely intact to this day. As the report being released today demonstrates, the LTTE had at its disposal a vast international network that was active in many parts of the world. A significant component of that network was its propaganda arm. This continues to work actively, though often in disguise, to promote the separatist cause and discredit the Government of Sri Lanka. This network has funds at its disposal, and pushes its agenda through influential international figures and misled media outlets, which continue to accept and even promote this propaganda with very little objective examination. 

The most recent example of this is the report aired last week on Channel 4 in the United Kingdom. It features two men who are supposed to be army officers. Neither are they shown on screen, nor are their voices heard for even a few seconds, as is the practice in responsible journalism when unnamed individuals speak in interviews. Of the two names these people are given, Fernando is one of the commonest while Sasrutha is hardly ever heard of. The voice-overs made on the behalf of this pair allege that war crimes took place during the last days of the Humanitarian Operation. However, absolutely no evidence is given for these allegations, nor is there any proof that these so-called Army officers are even genuine people. 

Nevertheless, the voice-over goes on to describe these people as eyewitnesses. But what are they eyewitness to? The actual claim they are supposed to be making is that Shaveendra Silva told them that I had called him and instructed him to do certain things. This is absolutely false, and is a claim that Shaveendra has always categorically denied. These people making this claim are not eyewitnesses to anything, what they are saying is pure fabrication. The absurdity of their claim is even clearer when you analyse it a little more deeply and with some knowledge of how a military operates. There are rules and procedures for following orders that have been historically established. The only officers Shaveendra would give instructions to would be Brigade Commanders and Commanding Officers. None of these officers have left Sri Lanka. Who, then, are these shadowy figures that Channel 4 claims to have unearthed? What is their credibility? How can their absurd allegations be taken at face value? Have they an unexplored agenda? 

Another accusation made against Sri Lanka in this latest report concerns the alleged attempt made by two of the LTTE's political cadres to surrender to the Government through mediation by international figures. The report shows an interview with a British journalist who has always been extremely critical of Sri Lanka, who claims that assurances were given that these cadres could surrender. Whether assurances had been given or not, more than 11,000 LTTE cadres including several LTTE leaders have not only surrendered and have been rehabilitated and reintegrated to society. But nobody has communicated anything to the responsible authorities about these two particular people that are being spoken of as surrendering on that particular day. As the Secretary Defence, I was certainly not contacted. 

Just like its recent so-called documentary, this continuing serial by Channel 4 simply promotes baseless accusations whose sole purpose is to discredit Sri Lanka. It is an attempt to tarnish this country's image and divide our people. It is an attempt to set back the peace that has been won after three painful decades.

This is not reportage; it is propaganda. That supposedly respectable media channels are complicit in the separatist agenda is extremely disturbing. At a time when the media establishment in the UK is under heavy fire and is drawing the attention of British authorities for its lack of ethics, it seems Channel 4 is no exception.

Another good example of propaganda pretending to be journalism concerns the allegations made about the supposedly deliberate shelling of hospitals. The doctors who served in those hospitals have stated very clearly that there was no deliberate shelling. This is supported by satellite evidence from before and after the period in which fighting took place near the hospitals. Unfortunately, the affidavits of the doctors at the scene are not given any attention by the so-called opinion makers. Instead, they focus exclusively on the comments the doctors were forced to make under duress by the LTTE. This is extremely disturbing and reveals a fundamental bias against the Government of Sri Lanka. The implication that the doctors were being truthful while held hostage by the LTTE, and are lying under Government pressure when they are free is frankly insulting. 

One of the other allegations made against Sri Lanka is that not enough food or aid was sent to the people in the North throughout the Humanitarian Operation. This is again an allegation with no basis in fact. At the start of the Humanitarian Operation, the Government of Sri Lanka set up the Consultative Committee on Humanitarian Assistance. This Committee, often called the CCHA, met regularly at the Ministry of Defence. It was chaired by Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe and had the participation of the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence. Ambassadors involved in the peace process as well as the Heads of International Organisations and NGOs involved in delivering aid regularly attended the meetings. All issues with regard to humanitarian assistance were discussed at these meetings, and immediate solutions were provided. There were no allegations at these meetings that not enough was being done; on the contrary, it was clear that the Government was making every effort possible to cope with an extremely complex and hazardous situation.

Irrespective of how difficult things became, the Government did its utmost to make sure that the people suffering in the LTTE's clutches received the resources they so badly needed. International agencies such as the World Food Programme and the ICRC have records that attest to this. Even in the very last stages of the Humanitarian Operation, when the trapped population could not be reached by road, supplies were sent in through an ICRC ship that was escorted by the Sri Lanka Navy. Records of the ICRC show that medical supplies were delivered even on the 18th of May 2009, the day the Humanitarian Operation ended. 

However, instead of finding out these facts and consulting those who are in a position to reveal the truth, Sri Lanka's opponents continue to flog their stale old lies. Instead of being acknowledged as the LTTE apologists they are, these opponents of Sri Lanka are sometimes lionised for their strident comments. A good example of this is the treatment of Miss Damilvany Gnanakumar. 

This lady claims to have arrived in Sri Lanka to visit her relatives but was unable to leave due to the hostilities, and therefore volunteered to assist in the hospitals. While there, she claims she saw large numbers of casualties and surgery being carried out without anaesthesia even on children. Not only do the doctors at the hospital flatly refute these claims, but Miss Gnanakumar is known to have been an LTTE operative. She was recruited by Castro, the leader in charge of the LTTE's international operations, and worked at an LTTE front organisation in London before arriving in Sri Lanka in February 2008. While here, she underwent military training under Durga, a female leader of the LTTE. Miss Gnanakumar was no civilian volunteer but an LTTE cadre. The sad reality is that her word has been taken at face value. 

While the LTTE's propaganda machine continues to spin its lies, and such lax standards of journalism continue to prevail in the west, the narrative on Sri Lanka may continue to be obscured by vicious falsehoods. I sincerely hope that with the publication of this document, these falsehoods will be laid to rest once and for all, and that the world will see, beyond any doubt, that the Humanitarian Operation was just.

VIDEOS:

Speech delivered by Secretary Defence Mr Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the launching ceremony of the book complied by the Ministry of Defence- “Humanitarian Operation Factual Analysis July 2006 - May 2009” - at the Hilton Hotel, Colombo on 1st August 2011.

The Keynote speech delivered by External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris at the launching ceremony of the book complied by the Defence Ministry - “Humanitarian Operation Factual Analysis July 2006 - May 2009” - at the Hilton Hotel, Colombo on 1st August 2011.

The video documentary produced by the Ministry of Defence Sri Lanka

“Lies Agreed Upon”

 

 

Sri Lanka takes care of its Disabled War Heroes: President declares open wellness resort for disabled war veterans

ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.
 July 26, 2011, Anuradhapura

    Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa today declared open "Abimansala", a wellness resort in Anuradhapura for totally disabled war veterans.

President Rajapaksa symbolically registered the entry of the first inmate to the resort, built near the Anuradhapura Weva, and interacted with the disabled soldiers.

The resort, fully-equipped with a swimming pool was built by the engineering unit of the Sri Lanka army at a cost of 220 million rupees.

The project to build the resort was implemented under the Brave Heart project of the Seva Vanitha Unit of the Sri Lanka Army.


The resort provides facilities for 54 totally disabled soldiers in the North Central Province.

Governor of the North Central Province Karunaratne Divulgane, Chief Minister Berty Premalal Dissanayake, Ministers S.M. Chandrasena, Tissa Karalliyadda, Deputy Minister Duminda Dissanyake, Secretary to the President Lalith Weeratunga, Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, and commanders of the tri-forces were also present at the occasion.

(Photos by Sudath Silva)

Sri Lanka Local Government Authorities Election 23.07.2011 Results

Department of Elections, Sri Lanka

SLelections.gov.lk

COMPLETE FINAL RESULTS
Sri Lanka Time, 7.30AM, Sunday, 24.07.2011


Ampara DISTRICT
Karaitivu Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     4,284     52.71%     4
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     2,364     29.08%     1
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,134     13.95%     --
Thamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal     152     1.87%     --
Independent Group 2     143     1.76%     --
United National Party     50     0.62%     --
Independent Group 1     1     0.01%     --

Thirukkovil Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     6,865     72.87%     07
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,249     13.26%     01
United National Party     810     8.60%     01
Thamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal     497     5.28%     --


Anuradhapura DISTRICT
Nuwaragam Palatha Central Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     24,473     79.39%     12
United National Party     5,713     18.53%     02
People's Liberation Front     640     2.08%     --

Rajanganaya Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     13,947     77.85%     08
United National Party     3,344     18.67%     01
People's Liberation Front     410     2.29%     --
Patriotic National Front     214     1.19%     --

Galnewa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     16,350     79.17%     8
United National Party     3,061     14.82%     1
Independent Group     705     3.41%     --
People's Liberation Front     536     2.60%     --


Colombo DISTRICT 
Kaduwela Municipal Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     59,987     66.8%     20
United National Party     24,897     27.72%     7
People's Liberation Front     3,709     4.13%     1
Jana Setha Peramuna     1,142     1.27%     --
Independent Group     68     0.08%     --

Kesbewa Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     38,112     53.74%     10
United National Party     29,652     41.81%     6
People's Liberation Front     2,926     4.13%     1
Independent Group     183     0.26%     --
Jana Setha Peramuna     23     0.03%     --
Patriotic National Front     23     0.03%     --

Homagama Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     62,332     78.55%     19
People's Liberation Front     10,135     12.77%     3
Independent Group 2     4,127     5.20%     1
Independent Group 5     1,343     1.69%     --
Independent Group 3     1,064     1.34%     --
Jana Setha Peramuna     211     0.27%     --
Independent Group 1     100     0.13%     --
Independent Group 4     41     0.05%     --

Galle DISTRICT
Elpitiya Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,954     58.54%     10
United National Party     10,427     30.59%     4
Independent Group     2,539     7.45%     1
People's Liberation Front     1,100     3.23%     --
Sinhalaye Mahasammatha Bhoomiputhra Pakshaya     56     0.16%     --
Ruhunu Janatha Party     10     0.03%     --

Baddegama Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,954     58.54%     10
United National Party     10,427     30.59%     4
Independent Group     2,539     7.45%     1
People's Liberation Front     1,100     3.23%     --
Sinhalaye Mahasammatha Bhoomiputhra Pakshaya     56     0.16%     --
Ruhunu Janatha Party     10     0.03%     --

Akmeemana Pradeshiya Sabha 
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     22,743     70.80%     10
United National Party     7,814     24.32%     3
People's Liberation Front     1,567     4.88%     1


Gampaha DISTRICT
Minuwangoda Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,162     63.8%     08
United National Party     1,523     31.52%     03
People's Liberation Front     95     1.97%     --
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     48     0.99%     --
Independent Group     02     0.04%     --
United Democratic Front     02     0.04%     --

Attanagalle Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     54,363     72.34%     17
United National Party     18,124     24.12%     05
People's Liberation Front     2,493     3.32%     1
Jana Setha Peramuna     107     0.14%     --
United Democratic Front     62     0.08%     --


Jaffna DISTRICT
Valvetithurai Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     2,416     76.36%     07
United People's Freedom Alliance     653     20.64%     02
United National Party     93     2.94%     --
Independent Group     02     0.06%     --

Point Pedro Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     3,263     72.62%     7
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,107     24.64%     2
United National Party     115     2.56%     --
Independent Group     7     0.16%     --
People's Liberation Front     1     0.02%     --

Chavakachcheri Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     4,307     76.84%     9
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,232     21.98%     2
United Socialist Party     38     0.68%     --
United National Party     28     0.5%     --

Karainagar Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     1,781     40.74%     3
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,667     38.13%     1
United National Party     921     21.07%     1
People's Liberation Front     3     0.07%     --

Kayts Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     2,833     77.45%     4
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     805     22.01%     1
United National Party     20     0.55%     --

Delft Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,609     84.33%     08
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     216     11.32%     01
United National Party     83     4.35%     --

Velanai Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,973     63.74%     8
Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     2,221     35.63%     3
United National Party     39     0.63%     --

Valikamam West Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,117     77.78%     11
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,041     19.52%     3
United National Party     420     2.70%     --

Valikamam North Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,065     70.71%     15
United People's Freedom Alliance     4,919     28.83%     6
United National Party     78     0.46%     --

Valikamam South West Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     11,954     72.02%     12
United People's Freedom Alliance     4,428     26.68%     4
United National Party     216     1.30%     --

Valikamam South Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,895     74.29%     13
United People's Freedom Alliance     4,027     23.20%     3
United National Party     435     2.51%     --

Valikamam East Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     16,763     71.22%     16
United People's Freedom Alliance     6,635     28.19%     5
United National Party     113     0.48%     --
People's Liberation Front     27     0.11%     --

Vadamaradchi South West Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,454     81.46%     15
United People's Freedom Alliance     2,522     16.50%     3
United National Party     290     1.90%     --
Independent Group     22     0.14%     --

Point Pedro Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     3,263     72.62%     7
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,107     24.64%     2
United National Party     115     2.56%     --
Independent Group     7     0.16%     --
People's Liberation Front     1     0.02%     --

Chavakachcheri Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,565     75.07%     12
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,161     18.89%     2
United National Party     667     3.98%     1
Independent Group 1     246     1.47%     --
Independent Group 2     97     0.58%     --
People's Liberation Front     2     0.01%     --

Nallur Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     10,207     81.33%     10
United People's Freedom Alliance     2,238     17.83%     2
United National Party     105     0.84%     --


Kaluthara DISTRICT
Agalawatta Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     14,122     72.38%     09
United National Party     5,038     25.82%     02
People's Liberation Front     332     1.7%     --
Independent Group     8     0.04%     --
United Democratic Front     7     0.04%     --
Patriotic National Front     3     0.02%     --


Kandy DISTRICT
Harispattuwa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,967     53.89%     11
United National Party     13,892     37.5%     06
Independent Group 3     1,553     4.19%     01
People's Liberation Front     822     2.22%     01
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     644     1.74%     --
United Socialist Party     135     0.36%     --
Independent Group 2     22     0.06%     --
Independent Group 1     15     0.04%     --

Akurana Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     12,763     43.74%     7
United National Party     10,026     34.36%     4
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     6,175     21.16%     3
People's Liberation Front     169     0.58%     --
Independent Group 3     16     0.05%     --
Independent Group 1     11     0.04%     --
Independent Group 2     8     0.03%     --
Independent Group 5     6     0.02%     --
Independent Group 4     5     0.02%     --

Yatinuwara Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     27,921     65.92%     15
United National Party     12,347     29.15%     06
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     1,310     3.09%     01
People's Liberation Front     747     1.76%     --
Independent Group     30     0.07%     --


Kegalle DISTRICT
Kegalle Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     5,845     68.92%     8
United National Party     2,378     28.04%     3
People's Liberation Front     249     2.94%     --
Independent Group     9     0.11%     --
Jana Setha Peramuna     0     0%     --

Warakapola Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     38,302     71.19%     16
United National Party     13,182     24.50%     5
People's Liberation Front     1,393     2.59%     1
Independent Group     925     1.72%     --

Ruwanwella Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     20,734     71.11%     11
United National Party     7,728     26.50%     4
People's Liberation Front     680     2.33%     --
Independent Group     17     0.06%     --

Kilinochchi DISTRICT
Pachchilaipalli Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Tamil United Liberation Front     1,650     55.89%     6
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,184     40.11%     3
United National Party     114     3.86%     --
People's Liberation Front     4     0.14%     --

Karachchi Pradeshiya Sabha
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     18,609     74.80%     15
United People's Freedom Alliance     6,097     24.51%     4
United National Party     133     0.53%     --
People's Liberation Front     39     0.16%     --

Poonakary Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Tamil United Liberation Front     3,827     49.90%     6
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,689     48.10%     4
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     154     2.01%     --


Kurunegala DISTRICT
Giribawa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     11,099     71.75%     7
United National Party     3,745     24.21%     2
People's Liberation Front     620     4.01%     --
Independent Group     4     0.03%     --

Kuliyapitiya Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     34,077     59.85%     14
United National Party     18,816     33.05%     7
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     1,678     2.95%     1
Independent Group 2     1,219     2.14%     --
People's Liberation Front     1,103     1.94%     --
Ekasath Lanka Maha Sabha     16     0.03%     --
Independent Group 3     16     0.03%     --
Independent Group 1     10     0.02%     --

Polgahawela Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     29,238     69.20%     15
United National Party     11,165     26.42%     5
People's Liberation Front     1,797     4.25%     1
Independent Group 1     25     0.06%     --
Eksath Lanka Maha Sabha     17     0.04%     --
Independent Group 2     11     0.03%     --

Mawathagama Pradeshiya Sabha 
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,100     64.13%     9
United National Party     9,535     32.01%     4
People's Liberation Front     488     1.64%     --
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     383     1.29%     --
Independent Group 1     179     0.60%     --
The Liberal Party     68     0.23%     --
Independent Group 2     16     0.05%     --
Eksath Lanka Maha Sabha     10     0.03%     --
Jana Setha Peramuna     6     0.02%     --

Matale DISTRICT
Wilgamuwa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     5,792     40.94%     5
Independent Group     4,616     32.62%     2
United National Party     3,741     26.44%     2

Ukuwela Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Aliance     16,390     56.56%     9
United National Party     9,928     34.26%     4
Independent Group 4     1,712     5.91%     1
People's Liberation Front     515     1.78%     --
Independent Group 2     306     1.06%     --
Independent Group 1     109     0.38%     --
Independent Group 3     19     0.07%     --


Matara DISTRICT
Akuressa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,566     73.41%     09
United National Party     5,018     18.83%     02
People's Liberation Front     1,407     5.28%     01
Independent Group 2     635     2.29%     --
Independent Group 1     17     0.06%     --
The Liberal Party     09     0.03%     --


Moneragala DISTRICT
Siyambalanduwa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     16,193     71.78%     9
United National Party     5,970     26.46%     2
People's Liberation Front     378     1.68%     --
Independent Group     19     0.08%     --

Moneragala Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     16,932     80.92%     08
United National Party     3,115     14.89%     1
Up-Country People's Front     483     2.31%     --
People's Liberation Front     348     1.66%     --
United Socialist Party     40     0.19%     --
Independent Group     6     0.03%     --


Mullaitivu DISTRICT
Thunukkai Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     2,198     71.69%     07
Puravesi Peramuna     847     27.63%     02
United National Party     21     0.68%     --


Nuwara Eliya DISTRICT
Talawakele - Lindula Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,988     64.73%     07
United National Party     1,002     32.63%     02
Democratic People's Front     75     2.44%     --
People's Liberation Front     06     0.2%     --


Polonnaruwa DISTRICT
Elehera Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     17,869     81.70%     8
United National Party     2,950     13.49%     1
People's Liberation Front     494     2.26%     --
Independent Group 2     369     1.69%     --
Patriotic National Front     176     0.80%     --
Independent Group 1     13     0.06%     --

Hingurakgoda Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     23,481     77.36%     14
United National Party     5,553     18.30%     3
People's Liberation Front     1,318     4.34%     1

Welikanda Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     12,961     88.22%     8
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     1,356     9.23%     1
People's Liberation Front     375     2.55%     -- 


Puttalam DISTRICT
Chilaw Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     7,298     68.59%     8
United National Party     3,265     30.69%     3
People's Liberation Front     72     0.68%     --
Independent Group     5     0.05%     --

Navagattegama Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     6,567     78.99%     8
United National Party     1,237     14.88%     1
Independent Group     388     4.67%     --
People's Liberation Front     122     1.47%     --

Chilaw Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     23,607     68.37%     12
United National Party     10,532     30.50%     5
People's Liberation Front     390     1.13%     --

Wennappuwa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     35,083     67.77%     16
United National Party     15,936     30.79%     6
People's Liberation Front     700     1.35%     --
Independent Group 5     14     0.03%     --
Independent Group 1     13     0.03%     --
Independent Group 3     11     0.02%     --
Independent Group 2     4     0.01%     --
Independent Group 4     4     0.01%     --


Ratnapura DISTRICT
Embilipitiya Urban Council
 PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     9,497     58.01%     5
United National Party     6,274     38,32%     2
People's Liberation Front     577     3.52%     --
Independent Group 1     10     0.06%     --
Patriotic National Front     5     0.03%     --
Independent Group 3     4     0.03%     --
Independent Group 2     4     0.03%     --

Ratnapura Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     23,399     68.91%     16
United National Party     9,827     28.94%     6
Nawa Sama Samaja Party     420     1.24%     --
People's Liberation Front     299     0.88%     --
Independent Group     12     0.04%     --

Balangoda Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     20,304     69.78%     14
United National Party     8,457     29.07%     5
People's Liberation Front     335     1.15%     --

Weligepola Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     20,593     88.14%     8
Independent Group 1     2,027     8.68%     1
People's Liberation Front     690     2.95%     --
Independent Group 2     55     0.24%     --


Trincomalee DISTRICT
Seruvila Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     4,471     67.83%     7
United National Party     728     11.05%     1
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     649     9.85%     1
Independent Group     623     9.45%     --
People's Liberation Front     120     1.82%     --

Kantale Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     14,270     65.21%     08
United National Party     5,820     26.60%     03
People's Liberation Front     796     3.64%     --
Independent Group 2     693     3.17%     --
Independent Group 1     303     1.38%     --

Trincomalee Town & Gravets Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     8,986     47.96%     5
United People's Freedom Alliance     6,353     33.91%     3
United National Party     2,869     15.31%     1
The Liberal Party     347     1.85%     --
People's Liberation Front     169     0.90%     --
Independent Group     11     0.06%     --

Kuchchaweli Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     8,451     64.70%     6
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     2,961     22.67%     2
United National Party     1,639     12.55%     1
People's Liberation Front     8     0.06%     --
Independent Group     2     0.02%     --

Seeing In The Dark: Buddhism returns to its birthplace as urban Indians find in it an emotional anchor for their troubled lives

By Sheela Reddy with Smruti Koppikar, Dola Mitra, Pushpa Iyengar and Harsh Kabra

OutlookIndia.com
February 23, 2009

Why Buddhism Is Catching On In The Land Of Its Birth

    * Appeals to the rational urban Indian fed up of organised religion and its rituals
    * Provides a moral and ethical framework suitable to modern times
    * It’s highly individualistic, not requiring you to bow down to any god
    * Makes you responsible for your own happiness
    * It provides a community and support system to fill a vacuum in city life

Not perhaps since Buddhism's heyday, some 2,200 years ago, did such a power crowd gather to pay their tribute to Gautama Buddha in the land of his birth. Among the 6,000 of India's well-heeled and well-connected who assembled at the opening of the country's grandest monument in recent times to the Buddha—the Rs 100-crore Global Vipassana Pagoda, "the largest dome in the world"—in Mumbai's Gorai island last Sunday were the President, a governor, several central and state ministers, an industrialist, a media baron and the Buddha's star new-age disciple, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra.

Like Priyanka, there's a new wave of Indians—affluent, rational, metropolitan, English-educated individuals impatient of organised religion and willing to experiment with alternate spiritual forms—who are increasingly turning to the Buddha's teachings for anwers to their dilemmas. A far cry from Ambedkar and his Dalit followers who converted to Buddhism 50 years ago as a way of getting back at Hinduism and its hierarchy, these small bands of new-age spiritualists shy away from the very word 'Buddhist' with all its political baggage. Their Buddhism instead is more therapy than religion, a self-help practice that enables them to cope with the daily pressures of city life—nuclear families, generation gap, divorces, collapse of family support systems, relationships, pressures of jobs and joblessness, lifestyle diseases, teenage angst and loneliness—even as it unlocks their hitherto hidden potential.

For business executive Archana Sehgal, 32, who migrated to Delhi with her first job some eight years ago, her spiritual journey began when a friend invited her to chant nyam myo ho renge kyo, the title of the Lotus Sutra in Japanese. Desperately unhappy with her feuding family, Archana decided to give it a try, chanting for two-three hours a day for a week. It worked for her, she says, giving her the inner space to resolve her anger and start believing in her power to change "anything in my life". Today, Archana is the leader of the young women's division in her locality of the Bharat Soka Gakkai (Value Creation Society, BSG) inspired by the teachings of 13th century Japanese Buddhist monk Nichiren, adapted to contemporary times by its mentor, Daisaku Ikeda, and now flourishing in 192 countries with a membership running into tens of millions.

Archana is expected to make at least two "home visits" a week in a system that is unique to BSG: each leader being charged with responsibility for the happiness and well-being of every individual in her "block". Such a block is limited to 10 or less members to ensure that each member gets individual attention. It's a practice, Archana says, that gives her deep fulfilment by mentoring other young women like her facing job insecurity and social turmoil of other kinds. "If one person has a problem, everyone rallies around. It's a philosophy which is easy to apply to daily life. You begin to understand how your inner life works and learn to take responsibility for your own happiness."

The combination of community chanting, individual counselling and a support system that works like an extended family without its handicaps has turned the BSG into an impressive organisation of over 38,000 members in 300 cities in India in a little over two decades.

To sceptical outsiders, especially educated middle-class professionals with their horror of anything that smells of organised religion, the extreme organisation and zeal to induct newcomers into the practice, along with the strict rules of confidentiality, seem almost masonic sometimes. But within the BSG, it's hard not to be moved by members' sincerity and genuine concern for others. And it's impossible to spot an unhappy face. It's not as if they don't have their problems, some of them huge, like cancer. But as BSG head Naveena Reddi explains, the chanting works as a way of transforming negative thought into positive. More important, members are taught to chant for the happiness of those they don't like. What also keeps them upbeat is sharing their experiences—under strict confidentiality—of how the practice has changed their lives. Countless stories emerge of daily miracles wrought by individual and community chanting—improved relations within the family and at work, promotions that come without pulling strings, jobs that land suddenly in one's lap, cancers that recede, eyesight restored.

But it's not just spiritual therapy, as Reddi stresses. What the practice hopes to bring about is a change in the world through a "human revolution", leading members to fight for a world in which Buddha's core values of peace and non-violence are propagated in contemporary times, whether it is in dealing with issues like global warming, the anti-nuke campaign or greening the earth.

Other new-age forms of Buddhism arrive at the same idea of the interconnected universe through different paths, but inspired equally by the Buddha's teachings. Vipassana, which means "to see things as they really are", is a meditation practice popularised by the Buddha, and returned to the land of his birth by an Indian businessman domiciled in Burma, Satyanarayan Goenka. Having become an ardent practitioner in Rangoon, Goenka came back to India in 1969 to revive it here. Vipassana, as he points out in his talks and books, "involves no dogma, rites, rituals, conversion. The only conversion is from misery to happiness, from bondage to liberation."

When he brought Vipassana to India 40 years ago, there were about a dozen people, including Goenka's parents, willing to sign up for the meditation course. Now there are more than 55 centres in India, from Sonepat in Haryana to Chengannur in Kerala, from Jaipur and Ajmer to Dehradun and Durg. Over a million have joined up for the 10-day retreat, where beginners are taught "mental purification through self-observation". Students lead a frugal life—no talking, sex, meat, drinks, newspapers, TV, music—while they learn to focus their mind in near-total silence. Just refraining from these familiar distractions is the first step for the mind to calm down, followed by three-and-a-half days of anapana meditation focusing on your breath, followed by six-and-a-half days of a guided meditation where the student learns to observe changes in his body and its sensations as a way to gain equanimity. So popular have the courses become that the waiting lists are growing by the day.

This mushrooming of new-age forms of Buddhism is a recent trend in our cities, points out Pankaj Mishra, whose book—An End to Suffering: The Buddha in the World—is a voyage to rediscover Buddhism in the land of its birth centuries after it was wiped out. "Several members of my own family, even my landlady in Defence Colony, all with an upper-caste Hindu upbringing, have signed up with some Buddhist organisation or the other," he says. For Mishra, this second coming of the Buddha is in the fitness of things because it has found an audience similar to the one the Buddha originally aimed his message at: a modernising society and its rising commercial classes. "Buddha was conveying his message at a time of huge social upheaval when close-knit societies were falling apart, and with people migrating to cities, traditional bonds were being weakened, whether in community or family networks. For people newly arrived in cities, alone and anonymous, traditional religions were of little help."

It's only natural, as Mishra points out, that a post-liberalised India, with its "spiritual and emotional exhaustion", is increasingly attracted to a form of Buddhism that provides spiritual sustenance at such times. "The more society changes, the greater Buddhism's appeal," he says. Besides, "the idea of an individual not affiliated to any caste or community being a new one in India", the Buddha's revolutionary concept of shifting the onus of spiritual health on the individual is bound to resonate.

This hunger for a new moral and spiritual framework for how to live your life meaningfully without God as an intermediary is what is driving thousands of Indians to the Dalai Lama's teachings. Until a few years ago, the pontiff's engagement diary was almost completely booked with his tours abroad or his teachings in Dharamshala, attended predominantly by his followers from abroad. No longer, says his representative in Delhi, Tempa Tsering. There's a distinct shift, with nearly 60 per cent of his engagements reserved for his talks across India. In the last month-and-a-half, for instance, the Tibetan leader was invited to address meetings in Rajasthan, Delhi, Hyderabad, Gulbarga, Chennai, Pondicherry, Delhi again, before returning to his home in Dharamshala for 10 days, then going for a brief tour to Germany and Italy before leaving again for Bangalore and Mysore. Everywhere he goes, whether university campuses or hospitals—he was in Meerut recently to open a charitable hospital—thousands gather to hear his simple, down-to-earth teachings, shorn of all dogma.

The same thing happened when the Vietnamese Zen teacher, Thich Nhat Hanh, came to India last October. Unlike his two previous visits—once in 1988 on a private pilgrimage, and again in 1997, when he spoke before a small audience in Delhi and Chennai—the response to his last visit was overwhelming, says Shantum Seth, who runs the Ahimsa Trust for propagating his Zen teacher's Buddhist practice. "His teachings are clear, useful and timely, and appeal to a generation that was schooled in scientific rationalism." Unlike other religions, Seth points out, Buddhism encourages a spirit of true inquiry—if it works for you, adopt it without getting caught up in any ism. "Its emphasis is on personal practice and self-development, which is hugely attractive to the intelligentsia."

So will it last, or will Buddhism vanish once more as it did in the past, wiped out by a disastrous mix of circumstances, including co-option into Hinduism and ritualism, and a decline of the commercial classes? Undoubtedly it will last, according to Mishra, who hails the Buddha as "the greatest thinker India has ever produced by a huge margin". At a time when so many of our shiny modern ideologies have been discredited, says Mishra, the Buddha's teachings grow increasingly relevant as the guide to an ethical life.

There's no way out for us except the Buddha's way.

Lanka, only democracy that defeated terror - US Congressman

SundayObserver.lk
July 17, 2011

US congressman Heath Shuler in an open letter to his fellow colleagues in the House of Representatives has emphasized that the US future policy towards Sri Lanka should be focused on supporting the country’s reconciliation efforts and engagement with the US.

The member for North Carolina and a member of the Steering and Policy Committee, Shuler, who visited Sri Lanka in May 2009, just days after the operations against the LTTE concluded, begins his letter:

Today, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International-USA are screening a controversial documentary about Sri Lanka.

There is a great deal of misinformation and debate about what occurred during the final days of Sri Lanka’s war.

Recounting his experience, in the backdrop of the screening of the controversial documentary, he has said "Sri Lanka is the only democracy to have defeated a terrorist organization in recent memory".

When I arrived in Sri Lanka, after the end of the war, the optimism and hope of the Sri Lankan people was palpable.

With the defeat of the Tigers for the first time in decades Sri Lankans felt safe from terror.

Even the Tamils I met in the recently constructed camps felt optimistic about the future of their country, knowing that security would bring much needed progress to everyone in the country.’’

I saw the toll that the 26-year-long terror campaign waged by the Tigers had on the nation.

Our own government designated the Tigers as one of the world’s worst terror groups.

Over the past quarter of a century, the Tigers reigned terror on the nation, including suicide bombings, summary executions, ethnic cleansing, recruitment of child soldiers, drug smuggling, piracy and international money laundering.

Reminding that Sri Lanka is a long time ally of the US, the member for North Carolina has pointed out that "US cannot discount the long standing and strategic relationship" with Sri Lanka which is an "enduring democracy".

Since my visit, I have been following the progress Sri Lanka has made. Since the end of the war, there has not been a single terrorist attack in Sri Lanka.

Based on news accounts and UN documents, almost all of the 300,000 displaced persons in Sri Lanka have returned to their homes, over 11,000 former LTTE fighters and child soldiers have been rehabilitated and re-integrated into society, and nearly 60% of the two million landmines have been cleared.

Shuler has also recognized that a ‘commission to investigate wrongdoings conducted by both sides during the conflict and to foster national healing and reconciliation’ is making progress.

In conclusion he has written "As we work together to develop our policy on Sri Lanka, I am happy to tell you about my experience there", adding that he was willing to discuss with any of his colleagues about the true situation in Sri Lanka as he had been closely watching the unfolding developments at the ground level - which was very much different to the picture portrayed in the public domain.

Next move: go forward or back to 1976 Vadukoddai?

By H. L. D. Mahindapala
LankaWeb.com
July 10, 2011

Wars are evil exercises that must be avoided at any cost. But history tells us that wars are also unavoidable. From time to time, wars occur to win over-ambitious goals going beyond established political and territorial borders or to eliminate or neutralize enemies that threaten national interests. This is the short term goal of wars. The long-term objective of wars is to define and reinforce national identities, boundaries and values. The Sri Lankan government launched a counter-terrorist war to reinforce the national identity, territorial boundaries and the democratic political values.

The Jaffna Tamil leadership which launched the Vadukoddai War gambled, throwing all their financial, international, local and military might to achieve their separatist goals, based on fictitious geography and concocted history as outlined in the Vadukoddai Resolution of 1976, and lost. They lost ignominiously partly because the Tamil people lost faith in their leaders and ran way from them even when their leaders were shooting at them for running away from a lost cause.

A great responsibility now lies on the shoulders of the Tamil leadership in taking the next step. The question they have to answer is simple: is there a future in going back to the failed past? After the debacle in Nandikadal in May 2009 is there any sense in dragging the Jaffna Tamil people once again to Vadukoddai of May 1976? President Mahinda Rajapakse too is under great pressure from the defeated remnants of the Vadukoddai ideology to go back to 1976 – the year in which the Jaffna Tamils declared war against the rest of the nation in the Vadukoddai Resolution. The violence unleashed by the Jaffna Tamil leadership in the Vadukoddai Resolution killed more Jaffna Tamils than any other forces put together, according to declared statements of Jaffna Tamil leaders. So what can the Jaffna Tamils gain by going back to Vadukoddai of 1976?

The Jaffna Tamil war-mongers were hoisted by their own petard when they resorted to a military solution and they have no one to blame except “the stupid Tamil leaders of Jaffna” (Prof. Kumar David) who misled the Jaffna Tamils and dragged them all the way to Nandikadal Lagoon. Mahinda Rajapakse’s forces defeated not only the Vadukoddians but also the pompous intellectuals, the theoretical devolutionists, the Marxist fossils, and “Pacha” Pereras and Silly Silvas, allied to NGOs. The tragedy is that despite the grim realities of their futile past this mob of political troglodytes are making a desperate bid to reverse the trends of the post-Nandikadal period and take the nation back to square one, as if nothing has happened between May 1976 (the start) and May 2009 (the end). The same old mob has ganged up again to deny the bloody past and, consequently, force the people to relive the horrors that the war-weary nation is determined to leave behind.

As opposed to this the post-Nandikadal period has opened up ideal conditions to re-define and reinforce the threatened identity of the nation, its geographical and constitutional boundaries, historical legacies and political values. Eliminating the political monsters that came out of the womb of the Vadukoddai Resolution was a sine qua non for peace, reconciliation and progress. President Mahinda Rajapakse removed the 33-year-old Vadukoddai violence in a swift surgical operation that lasted just three years. The vast majority of the people backed him all the way to Nandikadal and in each subsequent election of the post-Nandikadal period he was rewarded for rescuing the nation from the plague of a futile war. Now the eyes of the nation are focused on how President Rajapakse would define the identity of the nation, its geographical, constitutional and political boundaries and values.

The military solution chosen deliberately by the Vadukoddians in May 1976 was to force the will of a mono-ethnic minority of the north down the throats of the majority. The formulas proposed and enacted between 1976 and 2002 were all designed to appease only one community – the Jaffna Tamils. All formulas – from the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement to the Ceasefire of 2002 – failed because they were tailored only to address the “aspirations” of the Jaffna Tamils, dismissing the “aspirations” of the other communities. After the failure of several formulas and particularly after Nandikadal there is a growing awareness that any viable solution must address the “aspirations” of all communities. There is also a growing awareness that the destiny of one community is linked inextricably with all the others. The separatist ideology has had its day and is now lying at the bottom of Nandikadal Lagoon.

The fundamental flaw in all the formulas introduced in the past was primarily in ignoring the “aspirations” of the majority community. It is now an inescapable political fact that no lasting peace can ever work without the consent of the majority. This necessity was underlined emphatically by the International Crisis Group report written by its Colombo-based representative, Allan Keenan. He wrote in a press release to the report titled Sri Lanka: Sinhala Nationalism and the Elusive Southern Consensus (November 7, 2007) : “Lasting peace will not be found in Sri Lanka until Sinhala nationalism and the grievances that give it power are understood and addressed.”

He added:: “Recent history shows the Sinhalese are not unalterably opposed to a fair deal for the minority Tamils but competition between their major parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), together with the violence and intransigence of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), has led President Rajapaksa to adopt a hardline nationalist approach. Until the sources of Sinhalese nationalism are taken more seriously, it will continue to challenge attempts to produce a political settlement.”
He also quotes Asia Program Director Robert Templer, who says: “Domestic and international actors should begin to fashion long-term strategies that take into account the power of Sinhala nationalist ideology, while aiming to minimize the sources of its appeal and its ability to set the political agenda”.

Both statements are absolutely relevant to find a way out of the prevailing tensions in the current political climate created essentially by the failed pundits who still act and talk as if the Jaffna Tamils have the ability to set the political agenda. They did have the power once upon a time when Vadukoddai violence was at its peak under the brutal power of the Tamil Pol Pot, Velupillai Prabhakaran. But the rag-tag army of Vadukoddians agitating in Western bases lacks the military clout to dictate terms to the Sinhala majority as they did in the six rounds of talks which culminated in Ranil Wickremesinghe caving in, on bended knees, to install Tamil Pol Pot as the “sole representative of the Tamils” in the north and the east. Wickremesinghe’s surrender to the Tamil Pol Pot marks the peak of Vadukoddian power. Mahinda Rajapakse’s greatness is in reversing that trend and regaining and restoring the power given on a platter to the Tamil Tiger terrorists by Ranil Wickremesinghe, the spineless political freak ever produced by the UNP.

The post-Nandikadal undercurrent struggling to enter the mainstream through the back door – a favourite port of entry for the likes of Mangala Samaraweera, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Malik Samaraweera who are forever ready, willing and gay to sell the nation — is pushing the President to go down the path of Wickremesinghe. If, by any chance, Mahinda Rajapakse decides to descend into the abyss of Wickremesinghe (from which the latter has never come out, praise be to the people of Sri Lanka!) then the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces cannot claim to have won the war. Then he becomes a loser like Wickremesinghe.

The people backed him all the way to Nandikadal and in subsequent elections not to go back to 1976 but to consolidate and reinforce the gains won with the sweat, blood and tears of the self-sacrificing soldiers. The forces and the people fought for their Commander-in-Chief because they trusted him to be the only leader who would stand by them. He was the only alternative to the combined forces of the UNP-TNA-NGOs whose agenda was to take the nation back to 1976 and hand it over to Tamil fascism. But the people stood with the President militarily and politically, undergoing economic hardships and serious threats to their daily lives, to fulfill the aspirations of the forces that backed him to the hilt, unequivocally.

Whether we like it or not let’s face the reality: the Vadukoddai War was launched by a minority to impose their will on the majority. It is not only in Sri Lanka but the global theatre is currently haunted by aggressive minorities trying to dictate terms to the majorities. (More of this majority vs. minority issue later). After dithering with various formulas to end violent minoritarianism the majority decided to say “enough is enough” and marched all the way to Nandikdal. The military and electoral victories confirm that “lasting peace will not be found in Sri Lanka until Sinhala nationalism and the grievances that give it power are understood and addressed” by President Rajapakse.

The NGO and academic pundits failed because they assumed that only the Jaffna Tamils had grievances and aspirations. Their strategy has been to denigrate the Sinhala-Buddhists and blame them as the mono-causal force that led to the north-south crisis. They refused to acknowledge that the majority – as in all ex-colonies – had a right to reclaim the rights they lost to colonialism. The meaning of “1956” is in the rise and enthroning of the majority that was suppressed and oppressed under colonialism. It was the historic year that opened up new vistas and institutional means to redress the historical imbalances which had, for nearly five centuries, denied them their cultural, linguistic, political, territorial and historical heritage. President Rajapakse is the crowned legatee of “1956” – a political awakening led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, the greatest Sinhala-Buddhist liberal. Now it is the task of President Mahinda Rajapakse to take the heritage of “1956” forward to give meaning and honour to the historic achievements of the founding fathers of the SLFP which includes his father. 

But the anti-national gang in the UNP-NGO combo and their allies in the media and academia are still bent on promoting “minoritarianism” knowing that it was a total disaster for the minority, let alone the rest of the nation. The unmistakable lesson revealed in the bloody past is that the appeasing of the dwindling minority of Jaffna Tamils alone is not the solution to go forward. Any future formula must necessarily take into account the aspirations of the majority too.

This takes me back to the realities emphasized in the statement of ICG cited above. There are two parts to it: 1. to take into account the power of the Sinhala nationalist ideology and 2. to minimize their ability and power to set the political agenda. All the theoretical punditry propounded by various factions of anti-Sinhala-Buddhist lobby is to diminish the power of the majority. Devolution and power-sharing are two calculated strategies to reduce the power of the majority and increase the power of the Jaffna Tamil minority.

At the bottom all mono-ethnic extremism that ruled peninsular politics was the twin goals of (1) grabbing power (“little now and more later”, as stated by S. J. V. Chelvanyakam) and also (2) territory on the self-serving accusation that they were discriminated by the Sinhala majority — a myth swallowed not only by the loony left and their fellow-travellers in academia and hired NGO apparatchiks but also by the quirky and rather muddle-headed liberals in the right. Even if you concede the fiction of discrimination for the sake argument there is no cause now to blame the Sinhala majority because there has been a “paradigm shift from 1956” to accommodate the “grievances” of the minority, as stated by Radhika Coomaraswamy and Malini Parathasarathy, the Brahmin power-brokers of The Hindu in Chennai.

Besides, history of the Jaffna Vellahla elite, starting from colonial times, has confirmed that their appetite for power is insatiable. The peninsular political culture is based on the Oliver Twistian cry of never ending demands. The more you give them the more they demand – a political trait never pursued by them in foreign countries they settle down. Though they have far less rights and political status in other countries they meekly accept their second class citizenship as long as they are allowed to enjoy first class economic conditions. Nevertheless, they continue to wallow in their myths. Their ability to concoct political fairy tales can be only matched by Baron Manchausen, Hans Anderson or Enid Blyton. Take the recent myth which claimed that only Prabhakaran gave them dignity and security. Now that Prabhakaran is no more what is the plight of the Tamils? Have they lost or gained their dignity and security?

The capacity of the Jaffna Tamils to be victims of their political illusions is inexhaustible. They thrived on fictitious theories of victimology aided and abetted by half-baked theoreticians in NGOs and academia. However, they have now in their memory banks sufficient existential experience to consider seriously how the political monsters that came out of their delusional beliefs exploited them and their children to protect their bodies and families till the last day they collapsed on the banks of Nandikadal.. It is sad to see Sambandan and Sumanthiram of the TNA going down the suicidal path taken by Chelvanyakam. They know they can’t deliver their promises to the people of Jaffna. So should the Jaffna Tamils believe in their leaders now when they have nothing to offer except the same old recipe that took them to Nandikadal Lagoon?

Can the demands of this Vadukoddian rump save the Tamils by demanding (1) police powers (2) land and (3) the merged territory of the north and the east? Ranil Wickremesinghe gave them all this and more. Did it save the Tamils? Or did it lead to the most abusive oppression of the Tamils? Didn’t Prabhakaran kill more Tamils than all other forces put together? The Tamils demand more powers in the name of gaining dignity and equality. But the known historical experiments have proved that giving more powers to the Jaffna Tamils have only led to Tamil fascism, denial of human and political rights and total loss of dignity. The abuse of power by the Tamil leaders – even under Pillayan – raises a critical question: are the Tamils fit to rule themselves? They have yet to prove that they can run a better democratic society than the Sinhala majority.

Besides, international reaction to assertive minorities in Christian/Caucasian nations leads to the ineluctable conclusion that the Jaffna Tamils and other minorities enjoy a status far superior to that of the European nations. The majority/minority issue has now reached to top of their political agenda and the new trend is for the majority to impose their values on the minority. In leading Western democracies, driven by Islamaphobia, the trend is for the Christian/Caucasian majority to reclaim their power to set the agenda against the rising demographic power of the Muslim minorities. Not only are the anti-minority parties gaining ground but the heads of states also are proclaiming that they will not compromise on the established values of their majority culture. David Cameron (UK), Angela Merkel (Germany) Nicolas Sarkozy (France) are insisting that the minority should conform to the majority values.

They are even decrying the minority cultures and saying that multiculturalism has failed. “We have been too concerned about the identity of the person who was arriving and not enough about the identity of the country that was receiving him,” said Nicolas Sarkozy in a television interview in which he declared the concept of multiculturalism as a “failure”. Prime Minister David Cameron last month pronounced his country’s long-standing policy of multiculturalism has failed. He is now calling for better integration of young Muslims to combat home-grown extremism. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Australia’s former Prime Minister John Howard and former Spanish prime minister Jose Maria Aznar have also in recent months said multicultural policies have not successfully integrated immigrants.

Sri Lanka has never imposed “majoritarianism” as practiced by the Western democracies. While France is legislating against the hijab Sri Lanka is distributing free head gear to the Muslims. While the Western democracies are insisting on the minorities speaking the language of the majority and assimilating into the dominant culture Sri Lanka allows all minorities to maintain their identity and welcome their contributions to the multi-cultural society. The Tamils have a status far superior to that of any Western country where they have chosen to settle down. As in other countries they will never get their separate state in Sri Lanka. And they don’t need it because the Jaffna Tamils always had a better deal living with the Sinhalese in the south (54% know it) than living in the casteist feudalism or modern Prabhakaranist north.

Finding the balance between the majority and the minority has never been an easy task in any democracy. There is no one-size fit for all conditions. In Sri Lanka, however, the pet formula touted around is devolution of power – a cry raised by only the Jaffna Tamils who have been aspiring to set the political agenda from colonial times. In fact, as stated by Sri Lanka’s foremost historian, Prof. K. M. de Silva, in his perceptive and penetrating analysis of the Ceylon National Congress in Disarray (The Ceylon Journal of Historical Studies, July-December, 1972, Vol 2), the Jaffna Tamils assumed the role of the majority and was treated as such by Governor William Manning, the master manipulator of the divide and rule policy. But the next census is bound to tell a story that would demolish, once again, the myth of their “majority complex”.

Of course, if the misguided Jaffna Tamil leaders want more they always have the option of getting a visa from their Prime Minister, V. Rudrakumaran and migrate to no-man’s land and live in it happily ever afterwards, instead of making life difficult for the war-weary Tamils whose main aspiration after Nandikadal is to live in peace. But the Vadukoddians in the TNA show no compassion for their fellow Tamils. They are bent on making life difficult for the Jaffna Tamils with promises they can never achieve. Besides, after Nandikadal they do not know whether they coming or going. They want to have one foot in Rudrakumaran’s “transitional state”, they want to have the other foot live in the Western states which are a part of Rudrakumara’s airy-fairy state, and they also want to have their head in a separate state in Sri Lanka. How many states will satisfy the needs of these Tamil Olive Twists? Isn’t it time that they got real and came down to earth and live peacefully with the rest of Sri Lankans?