Tactical Surrender

[Translated from my sinhala blog]
It happened during the height of war. War had extended its destruction beyond the best of imagination. Death was everywhere. The leaders responsible for the death were in hiding.

There is an expiry time for everything. No difference for hiding too. Victorious armies were surrounding the hideout. There was little to none hope of escape. Suddenly an enlightenment of "Peace" tingled the otherwise dogmatic minds of the leaders. It was a feeling that never rose until the death loomed over their heads - the very death they prescribed for many others.

Evading an inevitable death they came out. They thought of surrendering, which was their last option, in order for them to live for another day to lead the same war.

Victorious armies shot the leaders dead. They were unarmed.

"These deaths of leaders... Are they war crimes?"

We asked the elite panel of judges comprising USA, EU, Canada, Australia etc.

"Nop. These are fair killings. By all means these chaps are murderers. They have killed thousands. So it is fair. Therefore, we do not consider the killing of Gaddafi as a war crime"

"Gaddafi?"

We were confused.

"We're not talking about Gaddafi killing. We're talking about the killing of Tamil Tiger leadership, whom you allege to have come out to surrender, after sacrificing thousands, including kids in forced conscription, as cannon-fodder."

The communication channel went blank.

New state administrative complex in Hambanthota opened

Colombopage News Desk, Hambantota, Sri Lanka
Colombopage.com
October 05, 2011

  Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa ceremoniously declared open the newly constructed four-storied administrative complex in Hambanthota Tuesday (04).


Speaking at the occasion, the President said the government implements development programmes not only for the benefit of the present generation but also for the prosperity of future generations as well.

The government aims provide the people with benefits of development regardless of their political and ethnic differences, the President added.


The five-storied building complex, built at a cost of 2.9 billion rupees on a 72-acre land in Siribopura, Gonnoruwa in Hambanthota, is to house the district's all major government institutions, department offices and the office complexes demolished for the Hambanthota port construction.

Accordingly, 42 Government institutions will be housed in this administrative complex including Hambanthota District Secretariat, Divisional Secretariat, banks, post offices, Local Government institutions, libraries, electricity depots, telecommunication offices and many other state and public sector offices making it convenient for the public to receive all state services from one location.

The Exim Bank of South Korea had granted funds for the project and the Urban Development Authority has carried out the construction.

Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa, External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris, Minister of Public Administration and Home Affairs W.D.J. Seneviratne, Minister of Disaster Management Mahinda Amaraweera, Deputy Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation Nirupama Rajapaksa, South Korean Ambassador to Sri Lanka Choi Jong Moon and other distinguished guests participated in the ceremony.

(Photos by Sudath Silva)

Statement by H.E. Mahinda Rajapaksa President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka at the General Debate of the 66th Session of the United Nations General Assembly United Nations, New York. 23rd September, 2011,

         
Mr. President of the Sixty Sixth Session of the General Assembly
Excellencies
Ladies and Gentlemen

It is with great pleasure that I congratulate Your Excellency Nassir Abdul Aziz Al-Nasser on your assumption of the Presidency.

I must also congratulate His Excellency Ban Ki-moon warmly on his re-election as Secretary-General and we look forward to working with him constructively. As we gather here today, it is appropriate to reflect on the values and ideals which inspire the United Nations system. One of the principal attributes is the spirit of flexibility which has always been a feature of the United Nations.

We must acknowledge the need for that spirit of openness and adaptability today, more than at any other time. This is because the foundations of the world order are being transformed dramatically and fundamentally. At the heart of these changes is the need to protect smaller countries in the developing
world and to advance their interests vigorously.

In the midst of uncertainty, there are some things which must remain constant. These reflect our esteemed beliefs and convictions. Despite repeated references in this Assembly by many member countries, on the right of the Palestinian people to a State of their own within secure borders, we still have not been able to make it a reality.

It is a matter for profound disappointment that this has not yet happened. There is a window of opportunity now and we must make use of it before it is too late. It is time for decisive action rather than more discussion. This will be in the interest of the security and the well being of the entire region including Israel.

The need for sustained support for countries of the African Continent at this critical time is also worthy of mention.

It is important to remind ourselves that every country cherishes the values and traditions, and deeply held religious convictions it has nurtured over the centuries. These cannot be diluted or distorted under the guise of human rights, by the imposition of attitudes or approaches which are characteristics of alien cultures.

If this were done, it would amount to a violation of human rights in a fundamental sense. It must also be pointed out that even where sanctions are imposed, extreme care has to be taken to ensure that the people at large are not harmed by such action.

I would also express, once again, my solidarity with the people of Cuba and I wish them all success.

Mr. President,
Excellencies,

Whilst clash of ideas, opnions and values continues, we have clearly to recognise that dialogue, deliberation and consensus offer the only viable means for resolving differences. The might of powerful nations cannot prevail against justice and fair play.

In the troubled times in which we live, we can derive guidance from the wise words of Gautama the Buddha who advised the Lichchavi Princes, whose energies were being consumed by bitter disputes among them, that the way forward consists of meeting, discussing and departing in an atmosphere of amity and goodwill. This represents the essential spirit of the United Nations, particularly relevant today.

The most significant challenge to stability and progress in the modem world is posed by the menace of terrorism. Recent experience the world over amply demonstrates that inconsistent standards and discriminating approaches can unintentionally give a fresh lease of life to the forces of terror. An explicit and
uniform response which refuses to recognize political shades of terrorism, is necessarily required.

Terrorism presents a threat from which not even the wealthiest and most powerful of nations are immune. It must be remembered, as well, that terrorist groups frequently operate under the guise of front organizations. Conferring legitimacy on these has the inevitable effect of providing comfort and encouragement to the merchants of terror.

As the leader of a nation which has paid a heavy price due to terrorism over a quarter of a century, I would underline that we must firmly resolve to rid the world of terrorism. We need to have solid practical action on the ground, and send out our collective message on this issue, loud and clear universally.

Mr. President,
Excellencies,

The interest of the developing world needs to be protected in another significant respect. It is vitally important to insist that the structures and procedures of multilateral organizations are uniform and consistent and devoid of discrimination.

My country has reason for concern with approaches tainted by an unacceptable degree of selectivity, which we have brought to the notice of the organizations in question in recent weeks. The developing world must keep a vigil against these irregular modalities which should be resisted through our collective strength.

After three decades of pain and anguish, today, Sri Lankans of all ethnicities, living in all parts of Sri Lanka, are free from LTTE terror and no longer live in a state of fear.

However, I am deeply mindful that the battle for peace is every bit as important and difficult as the struggle against terror. After the eradication of terrorism, my government has turned its undivided attention to building anew, the foundations of a unified and vibrant nation and drawing upon the inherent strengths of our country and in particular, the unique caliber of our human potential.

It is justifiable for us to be proud of our nation's achievements during the brief span of thirty months which have elapsed since the beginning of the post conflict phase. The resettlement of more than 95% of internally displaced persons, who constituted the largest number of civilians forcibly held by a terrorist group at any time, while continuing even today to clear the mines laid by terrorists in extensive areas is a proud achievement.

Today, in the Northern Province, the Armed Forces are engaged in development of the infrastructure which were destroyed by the terrorists during a period of three decades. Contrary to malicious propaganda, the numbers of the Armed forces personnel present in the Northern Province is at a minimal level.

Revival of the economy has enhanced incomes and improved livelihoods, excombatants and other cadres after exposure to programmes of vocational training and counseling have been re-integrated into society, electoral process has been restored after decades making possible the emergence of a democratic
leadership. These are among our valued accomplishments.

The remarkable growth of 22% of the economy of the Northern Province is a clear indication of the success achieved by the government's initiatives with regard to development in that part of the country. The GDP growth of the country has been consistent at 8 percent, unemployment at a record low of 4.5 percent and it is also worthy of mention that in the assessment by the World Economic Forum in its Global Competitiveness Report for 2011 - 2012, Sri Lanka shows dramatic improvement, moving up to 52nd from 79th rank over a span of two years.

It is worthy of note that all these developments have taken place within the brief space of 30 months - an achievement all the more significant because of our strong emphasis on reconciliation. Important as economic development is, we have attached the highest priority to fostering the spirit of inclusivity and removing any remnants of bitterness from the hearts and minds of all our people.

Over the last two years, we have recruited 669 Tamil police officers bringing the total number of Tamil officers to 1143, while plans are afoot to recruit more this year.

After more than two decades, a census is being conducted in the Northern Province as a part of the national census, to provide a firm basis for our initiatives.

As a result of these achievements what we see in Sri Lanka today is a selfreliant nation, with robust hope for the future, and a strong economy, strengthened by inward investment flows, unprecedented expansion of tourism and significant growth of volumes of international trade.

Towards consolidation of these trends, leaving behind us, the trauma of the past, we ask of the international community the hand of friendship and goodwill, based on understanding of our nation's determination to confront with courage the challenge of a new era in our history.

We ask our friends in distant lands to drop pre-conceived notions. We strongly believe in home-grown solutions for them to be sustainable. It is clearly impractical to conceive of universal remedies for problems which afflict our societies.

My country, as it comes out of the darkness of the last three decades into the light and promise of the future, must be afforded the time and space to seek its destiny in accordance with the wishes of its people. It is in keeping with the values enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the whole body of international law which governs us.

A further consideration that the international community should take into account is the vulnerability of developing nations and make provision, by means of appropriate institutional arrangements, for their protection. As I observed when inaugurating the fiftieth anniversary meeting of the AsianAfrican
Legal Consultative Committee in Colombo three months ago, dumping of commercial and industrial goods manufactured in developed countries imperils the economies of many Asian and African countries represented here.

Mr. President,
Excellencies,

In conclusion, let me say that the use of substantial subsidies by Treasuries and Reserve Banks to support agricultural production in the developed world, and other forms of protectionism, cause serious distortion of the interplay of market forces, and reduce to a great extent the ability of farmers in many developing
countries to access international markets for their export products on an equitable basis.

The disproportionate pollution of the environment by industrialized countries, and the resultant impact on global warming and climate change, cannot be remedied with any semblance of justice by imposing harsh restraints on developing countries which have contributed very little to aggravation of the problem. These circumstances heighten the importance of social equity at the international level.

May the Noble Triple Gem bless you all.

Sri Lanka - Crucifixion of a Country for Defeating Terrorism?

By Mathias Keittle, Colombo
AsianTribune.com
September 05, 2011


Sri Lanka eliminated a dreaded terrorist group, with intricate global links, but receives little credit for it! 

Unlike elsewhere in the world, Sri Lanka has succeeded in resettling 300,000 IDPs. There are no starving children for the NGOs to feed but this gets ignored!

Sri Lanka has avoided mass misery, epidemics and starvation but the West takes no notice of this.

Sri Lanka has attained enviable socio-economic standards for a developing country while eliminating terrorism but gets no acknowledgement!

The Government of Sri Lanka and its President continue to enjoy unprecedented popular approval through democratic elections but this is dismissed!

The economy continues to boom, but remains unencouraged by the West.


Background

After 27 years of bloody conflict Sri Lanka’s internal mayhem came to an end with the comprehensive defeat of the Tamil Tigers. In an Alice in Wonderland scenario, the country changed from an environment of unconstrained fear and uncertainty to peace and utter relief overnight. Thousands poured out on to the streets to celebrate in an outpouring of incomparable joy and restaurant keepers spontaneously distributed food to all passersby along busy thoroughfares. Over the following months approximately 300,000 IDPs were returned to their own towns and villages, admittedly not to the best of living conditions.

But one has to remember that their circumstances were hardly comfortable under the iron rule of the LTTE for close to 27 years or as they were herded from one tent camp to another as a human shield and a bargaining chip by the retreating LTTE. The retreating LTTE had also removed roofing material from houses to prevent the return of their human shield to their homes. The captured child soldiers (approximately 600) have undergone rehabilitation and have returned to their communities. The UNICEF documented 5700 child recruits by the LTTE. Of the 11,700 former LTTE combatants, over 7000 have been returned to their communities after rehabilitation despite the real risk of some returning to the only profession that they had been trained in – that of being trained killers.

The risk is magnified by the fact that caches of buried weapons continue to be unearthed in the North and the Tamil militants in the West continue to drum up separatism and violence from their safe havens. The continued presence of the military in the North is naively criticized, but the above background factors are ignored. Only a fraction of the detainees will face trial as the evidence against the rest may not be adequate to satisfy the evidential requirements of the courts. A vast effort has been undertaken to restore the economy of the North and huge sums are being pumped in for the purpose.

All this receives hardly a mention in the West while an intense campaign is being orchestrated to pin down individuals allegedly guilty of war crimes and human rights violations. This must surely be the only case in history that a winner in a conflict has been hounded in this manner to account for alleged war crimes and breaches of human rights in the process of winning the conflict – leave alone defeating a ruthless terrorist group. There have been no such demands made following World War II, or after the Korean Conflict, after Vietnam, after Gulf War 1, the continuing occupation of Afghanistan or Iraq.

Remarkably, all sorts of people have flocked together to demand accountability from Sri Lanka, the Elders, Prime Minister Cameron, Hillary Clinton, the SG, Bernard Kouchner, David Milliband, the aging Ed Mortimer, et al. It cannot simply be that they all were encouraged by the sexiness of the subject or simply by the nobility of advancing humanity's highest ideals.

The Reasons

It is difficult to pin down one reason for this attitude of a number of key Western countries and some high profile individuals. Were pure principled attachment to humanitarian standards the reason, then Sri Lanka would, in their view, appear to be the one egregious offender in the whole world. This obviously cannot be the case. But Sri Lanka is certainly a developing country from the non-Western world and hence easier to beat up. Sri Lanka also was unusual in not responding positively to intense pressure when a number of Western leaders demanded a ceasefire towards the very end of the conflict and this refusal set an uncomfortable precedent. Bernard Kouchner, David Miliband and Hillary Clinton, all demanded a cease fire which Sri Lanka rejected. Both sides had good reasons for the approaches that they adopted.

Sri Lanka had the Tamil Tigers on their haunches and victory after 27 years of brutal bloodshed was temptingly within grasp. The Western leaders were under intense pressure to intervene from the Tamil diaspora, which wielded enormous financial and some political clout. Cities like Toronto, London, Melbourne and Sydney were brought to a standstill by massive Tamil demonstrations. During his visit to Sri Lanka in the middle of May 2009, David Miliband was told in no uncertain terms to butt out and mind his business by the Sri Lankan leadership and may not have forgiven this slight by the former colonial minion. The US proposed an evacuation of the trapped civilians and, perhaps the LTTE leadership, using its naval assets and this was rejected both by India and the Sri Lankan Government.

There were predictions of a blood bath and, at the time, no one claimed that it actually happened. (Subsequently and, suspiciously, evidence began to be produced by interested parties to establish that a blood bath did actually happen!). Interestingly, allegations of war crimes and human rights violations have emerged from countries that have provided refuge to massive numbers of Sri Lankan Tamils. Many have used the then existing violence as a basis for their claims for refugee status.

The LTTE raised large amounts of money from the diaspora to fund the war effort. Today these funds are used to advance their cause. Tamils for Clinton contributed substantially to her campaign until this was brought to public attention and the funds were returned. The LTTE has quietly funded politicians in many Western countries and continue to do so. The US lawyer, Bruce Fein, is funded by the Tamil diaspora. The liberal end of Western politics, ever ready to champion the underdog, was a willing champion of the Tamil diaspora cause. The shadow LTTE incessantly targets the media and the diplomatic community in Colombo.

The availability of funds, articulate advocates, the liberal tendency to take up the causes of apparent underdogs, horror stories, real or concocted, sympathetic journalists who were ever ready to use their privileged position in the Western media to support the cause, the sense of unhappiness with Sri Lanka among liberal political leaders in the West, the slow pace with which Sri Lanka countered some of the issues, were a cogent mix to activate the major humanitarian NGOS in the West. Many Western journalists unashamedly adopted the Tamilnet version of the conflict and were willing to use influential Western newspapers (London Times, Sydney Morning Herald, The Age) to propagate the version fed by the Taminet.

It would also seem that a not so subtle campaign is being mounted against the Sri Lankan leadership, orchestrated by elements of the Tamil diaspora and picked up by the Western media. The settling of scores by using the international community, now that the battle on the ground has been lost, appears to be the major objective. Efforts persist to pin charges of war crimes and human rights violations, on the basis of unsubstantiated allegations and innuendo. This powerful surge is further augmented by allegations of abuses, corruption and nepotism. If these allegations stick, it would be a short step to drag Sri Lankan leaders before international tribunals. Recent history suggests that some allegations get a life of their own by the simple process of repetition.

The Machiavellian story line is simple. “The Sri Lankan Government deliberately set about using its military to target the Tamil population of the North and killed thousands in the process”. This line is repeated for effect while the authenticated history of the LTTE’s murderous bombing campaign targeting civilians over a period of 27 years and killing thousands, the recruitment of thousands of children as child soldiers, the murder of dozens of moderate Tamil leaders, the extortion of millions from Tamils around the world, the ethnic cleansing of the Northern Province, the deliberate destruction of UNESCO protected places of worship, the deliberate and cynical use of thousands as a human shield, the human trafficking and the drug trafficking are air brushed as the frenzied campaign is cranked up using NGOs, eminent persons and the media to establish human rights violations and war crimes by the Government.

The focus is deliberately shifted from the murderous Tigers to the Government and these allegations are designed to stay around for a long while. The one goal of this campaign appears to be to punish the Government leadership, in order to avenge the defeat of the murderous Tigers, if not today than at some later time.

A lie repeated often enough acquires a life of its own. This also gradually contributes to causing feelings of discomfort and doubt in the minds of ordinary Sri Lankans whose confidence in their Government, unshakable at present, could falter in time giving rise to prospects of regime change possibilities.

Some Elementary Fallacies – Were Thousands Killed in the Final Stages of the War

Were thousands of civilians killed in the final stages of the conflict? Was the number 1000? 7000 (as claimed in an internal UN document, later denied)? 20,000 as claimed by Jeremy Page in the London Times? 40,000 as claimed in the Cage by Gordon Weiss (commonly known as Gordon the Unwise) and referred to in the Darusman Report to the UNSG? or higher. The exact number will never be known just as much as we will never know the exact number of civilians killed in Afghanistan and Iraq following the intervention by Western governments. (The Lancet claimed in 2005 that already over 500,000 civilians had been killed).

But certain established facts cannot be ignored. In the final weeks of the conflict, the ICRC with the assistance of the Sri Lanka Navy evacuated approximately 7000 injured and the sick, including pregnant women, and over 8000 others from the last holdout of the LTTE. Is it likely that if there had been other injured, the ICRC would have left them behind and ferried out 8000 healthy persons? Experience and records of other recent conflicts would suggest that the number killed must be substantially lower than the number injured. This is a fact derived from experience.

Most importantly, at the end of the conflict both sides were hell bent on fighting to the end leaving no time to bury the dead. In the circumstances, the LTTE is unlikely to have had the time to bury the alleged large numbers of dead. The Sri Lankan army never found large numbers of dead bodies either. But what is a fact is that in April and May 2009, close to 300,000 civilians streamed out of the LTTE enclave to seek the protection of the Government Security Forces. Importantly, the Government which adopted a zero civilian casualty policy had learned from the experience of other armies fighting amongst civilians in region that indiscriminate attacks on civilians only result in producing more volunteer martyrs.

In early 2009, the Committee to Coordinate Humanitarian Assistance (CCHA) to the North was working on the figure that there were approximately 121,000 people in Kilinochchi and 127,000 in Mullaitivu for the purpose of directing relief supplies to the North. It is quite likely that the LTTE took with them around 100,000 from Mannar.

Considering that around 60,000 escaped to Government controlled areas in the previous year, the numbers detained by the LTTE settles around the number accommodated in the Government organized refugee camps in May 2009. It is also on record that the Government adopted a zero civilian casualty policy and consciously adopted an infantry based approach. This resulted in 6000 deaths of security personnel as the final battles were fought by infantry when more devastating approaches could have been adopted. The allegation of deliberate targeting of civilians by the military and the large numbers killed appears to be a convenient and Machiavellian story to pin a charge of crimes against humanity.

Was the Tamil Community the Target of the Security Forces?

This is an accusation which could be dismissed outright if not for the seriousness with which it is expressed. The majority of the Tamils of Sri Lanka do not live in the North or the East. The vast majority lives among the majority community, the Sinhalese. It is estimated that 41% of the population of the capital, Colombo, is Tamil. In Colombo, the Tamil community has schools, temples, flourishing businesses and a significant number of Tamils are successful professionals and businessmen in Colombo. Many business houses in Colombo are Tamil owned. The UN has acknowledged that for over 27 years, the Government funded the health services and the schools in the LTTE controlled areas and sent food supplies to those areas. The food requirements were determined by the Government agents stationed in the District capitals, although in fact under the control of the LTTE.

The CCHA which consisted of the Ambassadors of the US, EU, Japan, Norway and the ICRC, in addition to senior representatives of key ministries, monitored the supply of essentials to the North on a weekly basis.

In the circumstances, to suggest that the Tamil community was targeted by the Government’s security forces, as was done in the Ch 4 documentary, is a base attempt to exacerbate ethnic divisions and create a negative impression of the Government. It also appears to be part of a insidious scheme to pin a charge of crimes against humanity on the security forces and its leadership in addition to aggravating and perpetuating latent ethnic tensions. No armed conflict is a game played in the school yard leave alone a terrorist war unleashed by a brutal proscribed group. Civilians do get hurt in war. Elsewhere this is referred to as “collateral damage”, and we know of wars in the wider region where collateral damage can be counted in the thousands.

But the Government of Sri Lanka adopted a policy of minimizing civilian casualties and to denigrate this approach now is reprehensible. It was because of the adherence to this policy that the Security Forces incurred over 6000 deaths by approaching the last pockets of the LTTE on foot. Perhaps, it is also convenient for the thousands of Tamils who went to the West claiming discrimination and oppression to maintain this facade until their refugee claims have been processed.

To acknowledge anything else may result in being sent back. It is also a fact that thousands who have received refugee status and travel documents from Western countries have travelled back to Sri Lanka to reclaim their properties and visit family and have not suffered any harassment.

Mathias Keittle A German researcher in Colombo hailing from Statalendorf.

- Asian Tribune -


Sri Lankan expatriates in Europe protest against UN in Geneva 

By ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.
 
Sept 13, Geneva: Thousands of Sri Lankan expatriates living in European countries gathered in Geneva today and held a protest against the United Nations for pushing for an international war crime probe on Sri Lanka.


Sri Lankan of all ethnicities including Tamils and Muslims, carrying placards and shouting slogans, protested in front of the UN complex in Geneva where the 18th sessions of Human rights Council is in progress.



The activists in unanimous voice urged the UN not to meddle and hinder in Sri Lanka's development and reconciliation at a time Sri Lanka is trying to rebuild after eliminating the three-decade long terrorism from the country.

The demonstrators also signed a petition, against the report of the UN's three-member Expert Panel chaired by Marzuki Darusman of Indonesia and the Britain's Channel 4 ,documentary to hand over to the UN . 

They called on the human right organizations and western governments accusing the Sri Lankan government of violating human rights not to forget and turn a deaf ear to the atrocities committed by the Tamil Tiger terrorists on Buddhist monks, women and children and suicide attacks on sacred institutions in the country .

(Photos by Sudath Silva)

Sri Lanka made South Asia safer from terrorism - President Rajapaksa

ColomboPage News Desk, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
September 04, 2011
 
Sept 04, Colombo: Sri Lanka today stands proud as a nation that eradicated terrorism from the country and in doing so made South Asia too safer from terrorism, Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa said today.

Addressing the Rotary South Asia Conference on 'Development and Cooperation' at the Galadhari Hotel in Colombo on Sunday, the President said Sri Lanka achieved this success with limited resources and without the economic and fire power other countries waging war against terrorism have at their disposal.



"We have achieved this with much less of the assets, and none of the deceit and duplicity of those who have been waging a War on Terror for more than a decade; those with much more economic and fire power than we had and many more allies than we ever had, but are still caught up in the killing fields made by un-manned drones and other lethal devices that attack civilians, too," he said.

President Rajapaksa who was the chief guest at the conference said it is regrettable that individuals and institutions trying to prosecute Sri Lanka for defeating terrorism are unaware of the truth about Sri Lanka's prolonged battled against terrorism and the nature of the terrorists.

He pointed out that the same countries accusing Sri Lanka of war crimes are harboring those who funded terror in Sri Lanka and providing them with a safe haven to rapidly raise funds now to destabilize the country again.

"Have they no concern for the truth about Sri Lanka's agony and the humanitarian actions that under-scored our battle against terror? Have they no interest in the truth?" he asked.

The President told the audience Sri Lanka is now trying to consolidate the hard-earned peace to bring much needed relief to the people who immensely suffered for decades under the terrorist control.

Speaking of accountability during the war, President Rajapaksa emphasized that for most of those raising voice against Sri Lanka, "accountability is only a verbal apology for civilian deaths that are dismissed as collateral damage in heavy bombings."

"Our commitment to human rights is second to none, and with such commitment we seek to transform our society to one of peace, pluralism and equality," the President said.

He appreciated the Rotary's help during the humanitarian operation and their philanthropic support to provide relief and resettle the displaced.

The President of Rotary International Kalyan Bannerjee welcomed the President presenting him with a memento.

The three-day conference is being held at Galadari and Cinnamon Grands hotels in Colombo from September 4-6 to mark the 82nd anniversary of Rotary Sri Lanka.

Former Presidents of the Rotary International Rajendra Saboo and Bill Boyd, President of the Rotary Organization Committee N. R. Gajendran and Governor of Sri Lanka's Central Bank Ajith Nivard Cabraal also participated in the event.

PSC coming, but for national unity Instead of Tamil grievances alone, committee will have broader mandate

By Political Editor

SundayTimes.lk
August 21, 2011

Contrary to earlier expectations of a Parliamentary Select Committee to address Tamil grievances, the Government will now appoint one “to recommend and report political and constitutional measures to empower the people of Sri Lanka as one nation.”

Thirteen Cabinet Ministers are among the 18 parliamentarians who have given notice of a motion in Parliament last week. They want it listed in the Addendum to the Order Book No 4 of Parliament. The proposed Parliamentary Select Committee, they have said, should recommend to the House within six months the initiative appropriate to achieve political and constitutional measures to:

* Enhance the unity of the people of Sri Lanka
* Further empower the people to work as a nation, and
* Enable the people to take decisions

For this purpose, the motion says,

* That the committee and its chairman shall be nominated by the Speaker.
* That notwithstanding the provisions of Standing Order 95, the committee shall consist of not more than thirty one (31) members.

The motion is based on three different grounds. First is that a unique opportunity has arisen for the people of Sri Lanka to unite and work together as a nation towards the economic, social and political development of the country and its citizens. The second is that to this end it is opportune to take steps to enhance the unity of the people of Sri Lanka and empower them to take decisions and engage in actions towards their economic, social and political development.

The third is that a Select Committee of Members of Parliament being a committee of elected representatives of the people is best equipped to determine the nature and scope of steps to be taken to enable the reasons stated above.

The motion, among other matters, says that the PSC is empowered to summon such persons and documents as it deemed necessary, examine on oath or affirmation persons so summoned, continue notwithstanding adjournment of Parliament from time to time and submit interim reports from time to time.

The Government had earlier planned to appoint a PSC to address issues relating to Tamil grievances. This was in fact conveyed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa when a high powered three-member Indian delegation visited Sri Lanka. It was headed by India’s National Security Advisor Shiv Shankar Menon, the then External Affairs Ministry Secretary Nirupama Rao and Defence Secretary Pradeep Kumar.

Government sources told the Sunday Times yesterday that while addressing issues related to Tamil grievance, the proposed committee will also look at broad issues that concern all communities in Sri Lanka.

Signatories to the motion are Susil Premajayantha, Champika Ranawaka, Rauff Hakeem, Tissa Vitarana, Douglas Devananda, Dinesh Gunawardena, Maithripala Sirisena, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Rishad Badhiutheen, Basil Rajapaksa, V.S. Radakrishnan, D.E.W. Gunasekera, Muthu Sivalingam, Perumal Rajadurai, Rajiva Wijesinha and Dullas Alahapperuma.

Sri Lanka defeats LTTE insurgency, returns on path of 8% growth rate

By Gen. Ashok K Mehta
IndiaTimes.com
August 11, 2011

Not only did the Sri Lankan Army (SLA) comprehensively defeat the LTTE insurgency - the first such victory in the 21 century, but it also returned the country to a high growth rate path of 8%. That's the judgment Central Bank of Ceylon governor Ajith Cabraal made during the international conference last month at Colombo.

He considers the Sri Lankan military very productive, winning the war on the cheap: for $5.5 billion between 2006 and 2009, which is 4% of the GDP. By contrast, the US has spent nearly $1 trillion on its unfinished wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. That government message is not going out loudly enough.

Instead, it has to justify victory and confront western allegations of human rights violations amounting to war crimes. The LTTE knew that killing the economy would result in Sri Lanka becoming a failed state. It chose economic targets in Colombo - the Central Bank, international airport and hotels - launching suicide attacks that also destroyed tourism.

Although the annual economic loss during the war was around 1-2% of the GDP, the economy grew for the most part, at 6% as the insurgency was confined to the North-East. Previous governments did not attempt defeating the LTTE militarily for fear of costs, high political uncertainty, loss of investor confidence and lack of political will. No one knew how India would react but most of all, few believed it was possible to subdue the LTTE.

So when the campaign was launched with hopeful titles like Eastern Awakening and Northern Spring, military commanders pursued a measured strategy of attrition and recapture of territory, certainly not the rout of LTTE. This is akin to India's capture in 1971 of Dacca, which was never envisaged in the original plans, regardless of claims made later.

The SLA deservedly congratulated itself on doing the unthinkable - conquering an invincible LTTE, thanks to its leader Prabhakaran's strategic follies including fighting positional battles instead of employing unconventional tactics, its forte. What surprised Sri Lanka was India's strategic cooperation in the destruction of the LTTE.

Recently one Sri Lankan minister said that Sri Lanka did not think India will allow the war to continue after the fall of Kilinochchi. Western pressures were used to end the war. In 2009, the EU withdrew the GSP plus concession on textiles which resulted in a recurring loss of nearly $200 million and the IMF delayed giving the loan.

What surprised Prabhakaran was a 'transformed' SLA led from the front by unrelenting commanders, backed by resolute political leadership and the adulation of the majority Sinhalese community prepared for any sacrifice to end the LTTE reign of terror.

Mr Cabraal said that President Mahinda Rajapaksa had ordered full financial support for the war, which was reflected in successive defence budgets managed by the President's younger brother, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a former army officer. He pioneered fast-track weapons acquisition ensuring troops had the wherewithal to fight. Pakistan and China, India's twin adversaries, were the main suppliers of military hardware as India provided only defensive weapons.

Two years after the war, the investment on defence has paid off. The economic indicators are striking. There is a brain gain instead of the usual brain drain. Inflation is down to single figure, unemployment below 5%, fiscal deficit down from 6.8% to 5%, malnutrition down from 35% to 13.5% and poverty down to 7.6% in 2009-10 from 15.2% in 2006-07 - the fastest reduction in the world.

 ....................................

SRI LANKA's ELEPHANT CENSUS:

False allegations will be laid to rest with the 'Factual Analysis Report'- Secretary Defence

By Hon. Gotabaya Rajapaksa
Secretary of Defence, Sri Lanka
Defence.lk

August 02, 2011

"The false claims and allegations made by Tamil Diaspora together with the LTTE international network will be laid to rest with the release of the factual analysis reports, said Secretary Defence Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

He expressed these views addressing the gathering at the launching of the report titled "Humanitarian Operation Factual Analysis July 2006 - May 2009," on Monday (Aug 01), at the Hilton Colombo.

Secretary Defence further questioned, "Why should the government, which directly looked after the family of LTTE leaders, kill those who surrendered to the military?"

"The sole purpose of these allegations is to discredit Sri Lanka and disrupt the prevailing peace in the country," he said commenting on the Channel-4 canard, "11,000 former LTTE cadres have been rehabilitated and reintegrated to society thus far. Medical supplies were released to the North even up to the last day of the humanitarian mission, which ended on May 18, 2009", he further stressed.

Full text of the speech delivered by Secretary Defence Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the release of the report, "Humanitarian Operation: Factual Analysis" on 01st August, 2011 at Hilton- Colombo. 

Religious Dignitaries

Hon. G. L. Pieris, Minister of External Affairs

Other Honourable Ministers

Members of Parliament

Excellences, the Ambassadors & High Commissioners of other nations

Mr. Lalith Weeratunga, Secretary to the President

Secretaries to Ministries

Chief of Defence Staff

Service Commanders

Distinguished Guests

Ladies and Gentlemen: 

Good morning. I would like to warmly welcome all of you and thank you for your presence here today. The purpose of today's event is to officially release the report that has been compiled by the Ministry of Defence on the Humanitarian Operation. The purpose of this report is to set out the factual background and operational context, which brought peace to Sri Lanka by liberating our people from the brutal terrorism of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the LTTE, in May 2009. 

The report begins with a detailed analysis of the LTTE, including its true nature, and its growth and sophistication over the years, and the threat it posed to all Sri Lankans. The LTTE was a vicious terrorist group that suppressed democracy in the areas it dominated, killed all its rivals and assassinated moderate Tamil politicians and intellectuals, and spread terror throughout Sri Lanka with its many attacks on innocent civilians. Raising funds through its international criminal network, the LTTE not only had the ability to use semi-conventional tactics on land, but also acquired sea and air dimensions to strengthen its offensive capability. The size and scale of the LTTE was equivalent to many conventional forces; any attempt to defeat it militarily required the proportionate use of force. 

Through the years, successive Governments of Sri Lanka attempted many solutions to the conflict, including military engagement as well as peace talks. The sincere efforts of the Governments to seek a solution through negotiation, however, were always sabotaged by the LTTE. Though it sought the refuge of ceasefires whenever it was weakened militarily, the LTTE had no interest in peace. This is made abundantly clear by its acts of brazen provocation during each ceasefire period, especially the last ceasefire from 2002 to 2006.

The second part of this report begins by describing the resumption of hostilities in 2006. The closure of the Mavil Aru sluice gate by the LTTE in July of that year threatened a humanitarian disaster in the east, affecting many thousands of Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese civilians. The near simultaneous attacks launched on Security Forces positions made it clear that the closure of the Mavil Aru sluice gate was only the start of the LTTE's offensive. In the circumstances, the Government had no option but to launch a military operation to save the country from the LTTE menace. This section of the report charts the progress of that Humanitarian Operation. It also describes the many precautions taken by the Government to safeguard civilian lives during the period of hostilities, and the broader frameworks within which civilian rights were protected. 

The final part of the report is a brief overview of the consequences of the Humanitarian Operation, which shows a Sri Lanka that is finally at peace. The country is now rebuilding after suffering thirty long years of terrorism. Democracy has been restored to every part of the country, the North has almost completely been demined, nearly all internally displaced people have been resettled in their homes, normalcy has returned throughout the land and an economic revival is at hand. Sri Lanka has thirty years of lost opportunities to catch up on. While we will certainly engage with and account for the events of the past, our focus must be on the future. 

In this regard, it is disturbing to note that the rump of the LTTE organisation together with some in the Tamil Diaspora are still working to tarnish the image of this country, sow discord amongst our people, and drag Sri Lanka back into the past. They make various allegations against the conduct of the Humanitarian Operation, which have unfortunately been given far too much attention. These allegations are quite absurd.

Take for instance the allegation that the Security Forces killed or gravely mistreated those who surrendered or were detained. This has been repeated loudly and repeated often, but it is not an accusation that stands up to scrutiny. By the end of the Humanitarian Operation more than 11,000 LTTE cadres surrendered to Security Forces. Despite the various acts of terrorism and mass murder they had committed, these cadres were not mistreated in any way. The 595 child soldiers who surrendered were reunited with their families within one year, while over 6,100 adult cadres were rehabilitated and released by June 2011. Most of the remaining cadres are undergoing further rehabilitation programmes and will be reintegrated to society when they are ready. Those culpable for atrocities at a higher level will be prosecuted through legal channels. 

The Government of Sri Lanka has taken the utmost care to look after not only those citizens who were oppressed by LTTE terrorism in the North and East, but even those who were directly connected with the LTTE. As the Humanitarian Operation was drawing to a close, the parents of LTTE leader Prabhakaran were among the IDPs who came over to Government controlled territory. Instead of being mistreated in any way, Prabhakaran's father and mother were treated with the utmost consideration and care until they passed away of natural causes in January 2010 and February 2011 respectively. 

The same consideration has been extended to the families of other LTTE leaders. Soosai was the leader of the Sea Tiger wing, one of the most influential leaders of the LTTE after Prabhakaran, and responsible for the deaths of so many Naval personnel. The Navy intercepted his wife and children, along with the family of another senior LTTE leader Ruben, as they tried to leave Sri Lanka by boat at night during the last week of the Humanitarian Operation. From the time of their interception, these families have been well looked after by the Navy. 

Another example is the family of Tamilchelvan, who was an LTTE area commander who rose through the ranks to become the head of its so-called political wing. He was killed in a precision air strike carried out by the Air Force in November 2007. After his family identified themselves to the Security Forces in May 2009, the Government has looked after them. They are living comfortably in Colombo. Such courtesies were not only extended to the families of LTTE leaders, but also to former LTTE cadres themselves. George Master and Daya Master, who were full-time members of the LTTE also surrendered during the last stages of the Operation. They too were cared for. 

Why should a Government that extended such care to families so directly linked to the LTTE, and former LTTE cadres themselves, be accused of mistreating civilians who suffered because of the LTTE? Yet that is the accusation levelled against Sri Lanka by parties with vested interests. It is extremely unfortunate that there are some who get swayed by such malign and absurd accusations instead of paying attention to the facts. They have got carried away by the media hysteria generated by LTTE apologists, and have neglected to verify the true picture for themselves. 

Take for example this accusation of "up to 40,000 civilian casualties" occurring during the Humanitarian Operation. This is a vague accusation, based on even vaguer arithmetic, which keeps getting repeated without any sort of critical analysis by people who should know better. At various times during the Humanitarian Operation, various estimates were made by various parties about the overall population figure in the North.

According to the Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies, the number was between 75,000 and 150,000. According to the UN Resident Coordinator, the number was between 120,000 and 180,000. According to the World Food Programme, the number was 210,000. According to the Government Agent in Mullaitivu, the number was 305,000. The largest estimate given is that last one, by the GA Mullaitivu. The registered number of IDPs at the end of the Humanitarian Operation was 294,000. 

Estimating the number of people who were in the North is a very complex task. A large number of people left Sri Lanka without going through legal channels during the period of the conflict. Approximately 100,000 people went to India by boat, including several LTTE cadres, and live there in camps. However, we do not have enough information to identify these people. Similarly, there are large numbers residing as refugees in places such as Indonesia, the Christmas Islands, Australia and Canada. Their names are unknown to us, and these countries do not release that information. 

To address this issue of initial population estimates, a comprehensive statistical analysis has been undertaken by the Government. This analysis is challenging. There is no census data for the North after 1981, and so many people fled LTTE controlled areas to the rest of Sri Lanka as well as other countries over the last three decades. Nevertheless, the Government is confident that a much more accurate estimate of the population in the North can be arrived at with the conclusion of this analysis. It is only then that this subject can be discussed with any accuracy. 

In the meantime, the Government has other sources it can rely on. In December 2009, the Government together with UNICEF launched a programme to trace the missing in the Northern Province. The Vavuniya Government Agent and the Probation and Childcare Commissioner in the Northern Province jointly established a Family Tracing and Reunification Unit with UNICEF assistance. This Unit undertook a comprehensive programme to catalogue all those who were missing, adults as well as children. Families were encouraged to report missing persons to a hotline, and any information available with the Government Agent, District Secretaries, Divisional Secretariats, hospital staff and police officers was also collected. As of 30th June 2011, 2,564 reports have been received. These relate to 1,888 adults and 676 children. It is important to note that the reports made by the parents of these missing children confirm that 64% of them were recruited by the LTTE. It is likely that the actual percentage is even higher. In this context, it is clear that the accusations levelled against Sri Lanka have little foundation. Why then, do they continue to recur? 

It is important to realise that although the LTTE has been militarily defeated in Sri Lanka, its international organisation remains largely intact to this day. As the report being released today demonstrates, the LTTE had at its disposal a vast international network that was active in many parts of the world. A significant component of that network was its propaganda arm. This continues to work actively, though often in disguise, to promote the separatist cause and discredit the Government of Sri Lanka. This network has funds at its disposal, and pushes its agenda through influential international figures and misled media outlets, which continue to accept and even promote this propaganda with very little objective examination. 

The most recent example of this is the report aired last week on Channel 4 in the United Kingdom. It features two men who are supposed to be army officers. Neither are they shown on screen, nor are their voices heard for even a few seconds, as is the practice in responsible journalism when unnamed individuals speak in interviews. Of the two names these people are given, Fernando is one of the commonest while Sasrutha is hardly ever heard of. The voice-overs made on the behalf of this pair allege that war crimes took place during the last days of the Humanitarian Operation. However, absolutely no evidence is given for these allegations, nor is there any proof that these so-called Army officers are even genuine people. 

Nevertheless, the voice-over goes on to describe these people as eyewitnesses. But what are they eyewitness to? The actual claim they are supposed to be making is that Shaveendra Silva told them that I had called him and instructed him to do certain things. This is absolutely false, and is a claim that Shaveendra has always categorically denied. These people making this claim are not eyewitnesses to anything, what they are saying is pure fabrication. The absurdity of their claim is even clearer when you analyse it a little more deeply and with some knowledge of how a military operates. There are rules and procedures for following orders that have been historically established. The only officers Shaveendra would give instructions to would be Brigade Commanders and Commanding Officers. None of these officers have left Sri Lanka. Who, then, are these shadowy figures that Channel 4 claims to have unearthed? What is their credibility? How can their absurd allegations be taken at face value? Have they an unexplored agenda? 

Another accusation made against Sri Lanka in this latest report concerns the alleged attempt made by two of the LTTE's political cadres to surrender to the Government through mediation by international figures. The report shows an interview with a British journalist who has always been extremely critical of Sri Lanka, who claims that assurances were given that these cadres could surrender. Whether assurances had been given or not, more than 11,000 LTTE cadres including several LTTE leaders have not only surrendered and have been rehabilitated and reintegrated to society. But nobody has communicated anything to the responsible authorities about these two particular people that are being spoken of as surrendering on that particular day. As the Secretary Defence, I was certainly not contacted. 

Just like its recent so-called documentary, this continuing serial by Channel 4 simply promotes baseless accusations whose sole purpose is to discredit Sri Lanka. It is an attempt to tarnish this country's image and divide our people. It is an attempt to set back the peace that has been won after three painful decades.

This is not reportage; it is propaganda. That supposedly respectable media channels are complicit in the separatist agenda is extremely disturbing. At a time when the media establishment in the UK is under heavy fire and is drawing the attention of British authorities for its lack of ethics, it seems Channel 4 is no exception.

Another good example of propaganda pretending to be journalism concerns the allegations made about the supposedly deliberate shelling of hospitals. The doctors who served in those hospitals have stated very clearly that there was no deliberate shelling. This is supported by satellite evidence from before and after the period in which fighting took place near the hospitals. Unfortunately, the affidavits of the doctors at the scene are not given any attention by the so-called opinion makers. Instead, they focus exclusively on the comments the doctors were forced to make under duress by the LTTE. This is extremely disturbing and reveals a fundamental bias against the Government of Sri Lanka. The implication that the doctors were being truthful while held hostage by the LTTE, and are lying under Government pressure when they are free is frankly insulting. 

One of the other allegations made against Sri Lanka is that not enough food or aid was sent to the people in the North throughout the Humanitarian Operation. This is again an allegation with no basis in fact. At the start of the Humanitarian Operation, the Government of Sri Lanka set up the Consultative Committee on Humanitarian Assistance. This Committee, often called the CCHA, met regularly at the Ministry of Defence. It was chaired by Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe and had the participation of the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence. Ambassadors involved in the peace process as well as the Heads of International Organisations and NGOs involved in delivering aid regularly attended the meetings. All issues with regard to humanitarian assistance were discussed at these meetings, and immediate solutions were provided. There were no allegations at these meetings that not enough was being done; on the contrary, it was clear that the Government was making every effort possible to cope with an extremely complex and hazardous situation.

Irrespective of how difficult things became, the Government did its utmost to make sure that the people suffering in the LTTE's clutches received the resources they so badly needed. International agencies such as the World Food Programme and the ICRC have records that attest to this. Even in the very last stages of the Humanitarian Operation, when the trapped population could not be reached by road, supplies were sent in through an ICRC ship that was escorted by the Sri Lanka Navy. Records of the ICRC show that medical supplies were delivered even on the 18th of May 2009, the day the Humanitarian Operation ended. 

However, instead of finding out these facts and consulting those who are in a position to reveal the truth, Sri Lanka's opponents continue to flog their stale old lies. Instead of being acknowledged as the LTTE apologists they are, these opponents of Sri Lanka are sometimes lionised for their strident comments. A good example of this is the treatment of Miss Damilvany Gnanakumar. 

This lady claims to have arrived in Sri Lanka to visit her relatives but was unable to leave due to the hostilities, and therefore volunteered to assist in the hospitals. While there, she claims she saw large numbers of casualties and surgery being carried out without anaesthesia even on children. Not only do the doctors at the hospital flatly refute these claims, but Miss Gnanakumar is known to have been an LTTE operative. She was recruited by Castro, the leader in charge of the LTTE's international operations, and worked at an LTTE front organisation in London before arriving in Sri Lanka in February 2008. While here, she underwent military training under Durga, a female leader of the LTTE. Miss Gnanakumar was no civilian volunteer but an LTTE cadre. The sad reality is that her word has been taken at face value. 

While the LTTE's propaganda machine continues to spin its lies, and such lax standards of journalism continue to prevail in the west, the narrative on Sri Lanka may continue to be obscured by vicious falsehoods. I sincerely hope that with the publication of this document, these falsehoods will be laid to rest once and for all, and that the world will see, beyond any doubt, that the Humanitarian Operation was just.

VIDEOS:

Speech delivered by Secretary Defence Mr Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the launching ceremony of the book complied by the Ministry of Defence- “Humanitarian Operation Factual Analysis July 2006 - May 2009” - at the Hilton Hotel, Colombo on 1st August 2011.

The Keynote speech delivered by External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris at the launching ceremony of the book complied by the Defence Ministry - “Humanitarian Operation Factual Analysis July 2006 - May 2009” - at the Hilton Hotel, Colombo on 1st August 2011.

The video documentary produced by the Ministry of Defence Sri Lanka

“Lies Agreed Upon”

 

 

Sri Lanka takes care of its Disabled War Heroes: President declares open wellness resort for disabled war veterans

ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.
 July 26, 2011, Anuradhapura

    Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa today declared open "Abimansala", a wellness resort in Anuradhapura for totally disabled war veterans.

President Rajapaksa symbolically registered the entry of the first inmate to the resort, built near the Anuradhapura Weva, and interacted with the disabled soldiers.

The resort, fully-equipped with a swimming pool was built by the engineering unit of the Sri Lanka army at a cost of 220 million rupees.

The project to build the resort was implemented under the Brave Heart project of the Seva Vanitha Unit of the Sri Lanka Army.


The resort provides facilities for 54 totally disabled soldiers in the North Central Province.

Governor of the North Central Province Karunaratne Divulgane, Chief Minister Berty Premalal Dissanayake, Ministers S.M. Chandrasena, Tissa Karalliyadda, Deputy Minister Duminda Dissanyake, Secretary to the President Lalith Weeratunga, Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, and commanders of the tri-forces were also present at the occasion.

(Photos by Sudath Silva)

Sri Lanka Local Government Authorities Election 23.07.2011 Results

Department of Elections, Sri Lanka

SLelections.gov.lk

COMPLETE FINAL RESULTS
Sri Lanka Time, 7.30AM, Sunday, 24.07.2011


Ampara DISTRICT
Karaitivu Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     4,284     52.71%     4
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     2,364     29.08%     1
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,134     13.95%     --
Thamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal     152     1.87%     --
Independent Group 2     143     1.76%     --
United National Party     50     0.62%     --
Independent Group 1     1     0.01%     --

Thirukkovil Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     6,865     72.87%     07
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,249     13.26%     01
United National Party     810     8.60%     01
Thamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal     497     5.28%     --


Anuradhapura DISTRICT
Nuwaragam Palatha Central Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     24,473     79.39%     12
United National Party     5,713     18.53%     02
People's Liberation Front     640     2.08%     --

Rajanganaya Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     13,947     77.85%     08
United National Party     3,344     18.67%     01
People's Liberation Front     410     2.29%     --
Patriotic National Front     214     1.19%     --

Galnewa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     16,350     79.17%     8
United National Party     3,061     14.82%     1
Independent Group     705     3.41%     --
People's Liberation Front     536     2.60%     --


Colombo DISTRICT 
Kaduwela Municipal Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     59,987     66.8%     20
United National Party     24,897     27.72%     7
People's Liberation Front     3,709     4.13%     1
Jana Setha Peramuna     1,142     1.27%     --
Independent Group     68     0.08%     --

Kesbewa Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     38,112     53.74%     10
United National Party     29,652     41.81%     6
People's Liberation Front     2,926     4.13%     1
Independent Group     183     0.26%     --
Jana Setha Peramuna     23     0.03%     --
Patriotic National Front     23     0.03%     --

Homagama Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     62,332     78.55%     19
People's Liberation Front     10,135     12.77%     3
Independent Group 2     4,127     5.20%     1
Independent Group 5     1,343     1.69%     --
Independent Group 3     1,064     1.34%     --
Jana Setha Peramuna     211     0.27%     --
Independent Group 1     100     0.13%     --
Independent Group 4     41     0.05%     --

Galle DISTRICT
Elpitiya Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,954     58.54%     10
United National Party     10,427     30.59%     4
Independent Group     2,539     7.45%     1
People's Liberation Front     1,100     3.23%     --
Sinhalaye Mahasammatha Bhoomiputhra Pakshaya     56     0.16%     --
Ruhunu Janatha Party     10     0.03%     --

Baddegama Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,954     58.54%     10
United National Party     10,427     30.59%     4
Independent Group     2,539     7.45%     1
People's Liberation Front     1,100     3.23%     --
Sinhalaye Mahasammatha Bhoomiputhra Pakshaya     56     0.16%     --
Ruhunu Janatha Party     10     0.03%     --

Akmeemana Pradeshiya Sabha 
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     22,743     70.80%     10
United National Party     7,814     24.32%     3
People's Liberation Front     1,567     4.88%     1


Gampaha DISTRICT
Minuwangoda Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,162     63.8%     08
United National Party     1,523     31.52%     03
People's Liberation Front     95     1.97%     --
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     48     0.99%     --
Independent Group     02     0.04%     --
United Democratic Front     02     0.04%     --

Attanagalle Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     54,363     72.34%     17
United National Party     18,124     24.12%     05
People's Liberation Front     2,493     3.32%     1
Jana Setha Peramuna     107     0.14%     --
United Democratic Front     62     0.08%     --


Jaffna DISTRICT
Valvetithurai Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     2,416     76.36%     07
United People's Freedom Alliance     653     20.64%     02
United National Party     93     2.94%     --
Independent Group     02     0.06%     --

Point Pedro Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     3,263     72.62%     7
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,107     24.64%     2
United National Party     115     2.56%     --
Independent Group     7     0.16%     --
People's Liberation Front     1     0.02%     --

Chavakachcheri Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     4,307     76.84%     9
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,232     21.98%     2
United Socialist Party     38     0.68%     --
United National Party     28     0.5%     --

Karainagar Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     1,781     40.74%     3
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,667     38.13%     1
United National Party     921     21.07%     1
People's Liberation Front     3     0.07%     --

Kayts Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     2,833     77.45%     4
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     805     22.01%     1
United National Party     20     0.55%     --

Delft Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,609     84.33%     08
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     216     11.32%     01
United National Party     83     4.35%     --

Velanai Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,973     63.74%     8
Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     2,221     35.63%     3
United National Party     39     0.63%     --

Valikamam West Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,117     77.78%     11
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,041     19.52%     3
United National Party     420     2.70%     --

Valikamam North Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,065     70.71%     15
United People's Freedom Alliance     4,919     28.83%     6
United National Party     78     0.46%     --

Valikamam South West Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     11,954     72.02%     12
United People's Freedom Alliance     4,428     26.68%     4
United National Party     216     1.30%     --

Valikamam South Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,895     74.29%     13
United People's Freedom Alliance     4,027     23.20%     3
United National Party     435     2.51%     --

Valikamam East Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     16,763     71.22%     16
United People's Freedom Alliance     6,635     28.19%     5
United National Party     113     0.48%     --
People's Liberation Front     27     0.11%     --

Vadamaradchi South West Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,454     81.46%     15
United People's Freedom Alliance     2,522     16.50%     3
United National Party     290     1.90%     --
Independent Group     22     0.14%     --

Point Pedro Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     3,263     72.62%     7
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,107     24.64%     2
United National Party     115     2.56%     --
Independent Group     7     0.16%     --
People's Liberation Front     1     0.02%     --

Chavakachcheri Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     12,565     75.07%     12
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,161     18.89%     2
United National Party     667     3.98%     1
Independent Group 1     246     1.47%     --
Independent Group 2     97     0.58%     --
People's Liberation Front     2     0.01%     --

Nallur Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     10,207     81.33%     10
United People's Freedom Alliance     2,238     17.83%     2
United National Party     105     0.84%     --


Kaluthara DISTRICT
Agalawatta Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     14,122     72.38%     09
United National Party     5,038     25.82%     02
People's Liberation Front     332     1.7%     --
Independent Group     8     0.04%     --
United Democratic Front     7     0.04%     --
Patriotic National Front     3     0.02%     --


Kandy DISTRICT
Harispattuwa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,967     53.89%     11
United National Party     13,892     37.5%     06
Independent Group 3     1,553     4.19%     01
People's Liberation Front     822     2.22%     01
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     644     1.74%     --
United Socialist Party     135     0.36%     --
Independent Group 2     22     0.06%     --
Independent Group 1     15     0.04%     --

Akurana Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     12,763     43.74%     7
United National Party     10,026     34.36%     4
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     6,175     21.16%     3
People's Liberation Front     169     0.58%     --
Independent Group 3     16     0.05%     --
Independent Group 1     11     0.04%     --
Independent Group 2     8     0.03%     --
Independent Group 5     6     0.02%     --
Independent Group 4     5     0.02%     --

Yatinuwara Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     27,921     65.92%     15
United National Party     12,347     29.15%     06
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     1,310     3.09%     01
People's Liberation Front     747     1.76%     --
Independent Group     30     0.07%     --


Kegalle DISTRICT
Kegalle Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     5,845     68.92%     8
United National Party     2,378     28.04%     3
People's Liberation Front     249     2.94%     --
Independent Group     9     0.11%     --
Jana Setha Peramuna     0     0%     --

Warakapola Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     38,302     71.19%     16
United National Party     13,182     24.50%     5
People's Liberation Front     1,393     2.59%     1
Independent Group     925     1.72%     --

Ruwanwella Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     20,734     71.11%     11
United National Party     7,728     26.50%     4
People's Liberation Front     680     2.33%     --
Independent Group     17     0.06%     --

Kilinochchi DISTRICT
Pachchilaipalli Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Tamil United Liberation Front     1,650     55.89%     6
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,184     40.11%     3
United National Party     114     3.86%     --
People's Liberation Front     4     0.14%     --

Karachchi Pradeshiya Sabha
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     18,609     74.80%     15
United People's Freedom Alliance     6,097     24.51%     4
United National Party     133     0.53%     --
People's Liberation Front     39     0.16%     --

Poonakary Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Tamil United Liberation Front     3,827     49.90%     6
United People's Freedom Alliance     3,689     48.10%     4
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     154     2.01%     --


Kurunegala DISTRICT
Giribawa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     11,099     71.75%     7
United National Party     3,745     24.21%     2
People's Liberation Front     620     4.01%     --
Independent Group     4     0.03%     --

Kuliyapitiya Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     34,077     59.85%     14
United National Party     18,816     33.05%     7
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     1,678     2.95%     1
Independent Group 2     1,219     2.14%     --
People's Liberation Front     1,103     1.94%     --
Ekasath Lanka Maha Sabha     16     0.03%     --
Independent Group 3     16     0.03%     --
Independent Group 1     10     0.02%     --

Polgahawela Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     29,238     69.20%     15
United National Party     11,165     26.42%     5
People's Liberation Front     1,797     4.25%     1
Independent Group 1     25     0.06%     --
Eksath Lanka Maha Sabha     17     0.04%     --
Independent Group 2     11     0.03%     --

Mawathagama Pradeshiya Sabha 
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,100     64.13%     9
United National Party     9,535     32.01%     4
People's Liberation Front     488     1.64%     --
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     383     1.29%     --
Independent Group 1     179     0.60%     --
The Liberal Party     68     0.23%     --
Independent Group 2     16     0.05%     --
Eksath Lanka Maha Sabha     10     0.03%     --
Jana Setha Peramuna     6     0.02%     --

Matale DISTRICT
Wilgamuwa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     5,792     40.94%     5
Independent Group     4,616     32.62%     2
United National Party     3,741     26.44%     2

Ukuwela Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Aliance     16,390     56.56%     9
United National Party     9,928     34.26%     4
Independent Group 4     1,712     5.91%     1
People's Liberation Front     515     1.78%     --
Independent Group 2     306     1.06%     --
Independent Group 1     109     0.38%     --
Independent Group 3     19     0.07%     --


Matara DISTRICT
Akuressa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     19,566     73.41%     09
United National Party     5,018     18.83%     02
People's Liberation Front     1,407     5.28%     01
Independent Group 2     635     2.29%     --
Independent Group 1     17     0.06%     --
The Liberal Party     09     0.03%     --


Moneragala DISTRICT
Siyambalanduwa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     16,193     71.78%     9
United National Party     5,970     26.46%     2
People's Liberation Front     378     1.68%     --
Independent Group     19     0.08%     --

Moneragala Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     16,932     80.92%     08
United National Party     3,115     14.89%     1
Up-Country People's Front     483     2.31%     --
People's Liberation Front     348     1.66%     --
United Socialist Party     40     0.19%     --
Independent Group     6     0.03%     --


Mullaitivu DISTRICT
Thunukkai Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     2,198     71.69%     07
Puravesi Peramuna     847     27.63%     02
United National Party     21     0.68%     --


Nuwara Eliya DISTRICT
Talawakele - Lindula Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     1,988     64.73%     07
United National Party     1,002     32.63%     02
Democratic People's Front     75     2.44%     --
People's Liberation Front     06     0.2%     --


Polonnaruwa DISTRICT
Elehera Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     17,869     81.70%     8
United National Party     2,950     13.49%     1
People's Liberation Front     494     2.26%     --
Independent Group 2     369     1.69%     --
Patriotic National Front     176     0.80%     --
Independent Group 1     13     0.06%     --

Hingurakgoda Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     23,481     77.36%     14
United National Party     5,553     18.30%     3
People's Liberation Front     1,318     4.34%     1

Welikanda Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     12,961     88.22%     8
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress     1,356     9.23%     1
People's Liberation Front     375     2.55%     -- 


Puttalam DISTRICT
Chilaw Urban Council
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     7,298     68.59%     8
United National Party     3,265     30.69%     3
People's Liberation Front     72     0.68%     --
Independent Group     5     0.05%     --

Navagattegama Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     6,567     78.99%     8
United National Party     1,237     14.88%     1
Independent Group     388     4.67%     --
People's Liberation Front     122     1.47%     --

Chilaw Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     23,607     68.37%     12
United National Party     10,532     30.50%     5
People's Liberation Front     390     1.13%     --

Wennappuwa Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     35,083     67.77%     16
United National Party     15,936     30.79%     6
People's Liberation Front     700     1.35%     --
Independent Group 5     14     0.03%     --
Independent Group 1     13     0.03%     --
Independent Group 3     11     0.02%     --
Independent Group 2     4     0.01%     --
Independent Group 4     4     0.01%     --


Ratnapura DISTRICT
Embilipitiya Urban Council
 PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     9,497     58.01%     5
United National Party     6,274     38,32%     2
People's Liberation Front     577     3.52%     --
Independent Group 1     10     0.06%     --
Patriotic National Front     5     0.03%     --
Independent Group 3     4     0.03%     --
Independent Group 2     4     0.03%     --

Ratnapura Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     23,399     68.91%     16
United National Party     9,827     28.94%     6
Nawa Sama Samaja Party     420     1.24%     --
People's Liberation Front     299     0.88%     --
Independent Group     12     0.04%     --

Balangoda Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     20,304     69.78%     14
United National Party     8,457     29.07%     5
People's Liberation Front     335     1.15%     --

Weligepola Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     20,593     88.14%     8
Independent Group 1     2,027     8.68%     1
People's Liberation Front     690     2.95%     --
Independent Group 2     55     0.24%     --


Trincomalee DISTRICT
Seruvila Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     4,471     67.83%     7
United National Party     728     11.05%     1
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     649     9.85%     1
Independent Group     623     9.45%     --
People's Liberation Front     120     1.82%     --

Kantale Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     14,270     65.21%     08
United National Party     5,820     26.60%     03
People's Liberation Front     796     3.64%     --
Independent Group 2     693     3.17%     --
Independent Group 1     303     1.38%     --

Trincomalee Town & Gravets Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     8,986     47.96%     5
United People's Freedom Alliance     6,353     33.91%     3
United National Party     2,869     15.31%     1
The Liberal Party     347     1.85%     --
People's Liberation Front     169     0.90%     --
Independent Group     11     0.06%     --

Kuchchaweli Pradeshiya Sabha
PARTY NAME     VOTES OBTAINED     PERCENTAGE     SEATS
United People's Freedom Alliance     8,451     64.70%     6
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi     2,961     22.67%     2
United National Party     1,639     12.55%     1
People's Liberation Front     8     0.06%     --
Independent Group     2     0.02%     --