Sunday, November 21, 2010

Devolution - A Recipe for National Suicide

By Ananda-USA
November 21, 2010

Sri Lanka is currently being pressured by various foreign powers to devolve political power to the Sri Lankan Tamil minority in what they prescribe as "the political solution" to Sri Lanka's "Tamil Problem". This effort is being orchestrated by the Eelamists of the Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora under the leadership of the residual LTTE terrorist network who have reconfigured themselves into various pseudo-democratic political organizations such as the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE), and the Global Tamil Forum (GTF). As we all know, this snail-like shedding of one shell for another is a time-honored tactic of LTTE front organizations, designed to keep one-step ahead of the law.

The demand is for Devolution of Political Power on the basis of Ethnicity. This is in all-but-name the same demand the LTTE separatist terrorists made for the creation of a Tamil-only apartheid racist Bantustan in Sri Lanka prior to their complete military rout in 2009. It is a demand to divide Sri Lanka on the basis of ethnicity that attempts to resurrect the lost struggle for a separate monoethnic state that claimed tens of thousands of innocent lives in the last thirty years, largely due to the inaction and failure of successive Sri Lankan Governments that heeded the flawed advice of foreign powers, neglecting their bounden duty to preserve the Nation whole, and protect the lives of their People.The Tamil separatists hope to win by Stealth in "Peace" what they failed to win through Violence in "War"!

In a recent news article an Indian journalist reports that President Mahinda Rajapaksa has in mind a "Political Solution" for the Tamil Problem subject to the will of the People of Sri Lanka. In response I am writing to present the arguments why no power should be devolved to any separate ethnic community in Sri Lanka, and to identify the dangers posed by such devolution to the integrity of the Nation and the lives of its People.

I am presenting below the text of an Article that I had written and published over a decade ago opposing the Devolution of Power to the Tamil Minority that the Government of India wanted to impose on Sri Lanka. 
 India first initiated Tamil separatism in our country,  trained, armed, delivered, funded and supported the Tamil terrorists in that quest, creating the very problem for which they now propose to dictate a new "political solution." The reasons presented in that Article against Devolution of Power remain as valid today as they were then.


I still oppose any Devolution of Political Power to Regions of Sri Lanka on the basis of Ethnicity, or any other Communal Attribute. One person having the right to cast one vote for a political leader of his or her choice for election to parliament, is both necessary and sufficient franchise for any citizen. No further regional powers should be granted on the basis of ethnicity.

Let all citizens enjoy equal rights subject to an equal responsibility to love, protect and serve our country. Let there be no special rights in our country for anyone, in any region, embedded in the laws of the land on the basis of race, language, religion, sex, caste or wealth. Let all regions of the country be open to settlement by any citizen, without let or hindrance. Let culture and religion prevail, and be treasured, in all their glory in the personal sphere; not in the public domain.

Since incurable separatists, driven by prejudice, intolerance, excessive racial pride and a perception of assistance available from abroad, will try all overt and covert means to destabilize, undermine, and divide the Nation, let the Government of Sri Lanka adopt and implement a National Policy of Ethnic Integration (EI) with the goal of achieving a uniform demographic distribution of the different communities of Sri Lanka. This is the ONLY CERTAIN MEANS of PERMANENTLY banishing communal separatism from the Nation: The total eradication of the regional concentrations of different ethnic communities that form the very basis of their separatist demands for regional devolution of power.

ONE Nation of ONE People sharing ONE Destiny should be our Permanent National Goal!
..........................................................................................................................................
Devolution - A Recipe for National Suicide

By Ananda-USA
November, 1999

Devolution will not bring peace and prosperity to Sri Lanka, but will usher in a new era of increased internal strife, foreign threats and economic insecurity.

National Integration, not national disintegration, is the key to peace and prosperity.

Peace and prosperity cannot be won by appeasement of terrorists and bargaining away our country, our security and our future.
 

Sacrifice and eternal vigilance have always been the price of freedom.

Under the threat of terrorism, Sri Lanka is poised on the threshold of being dismembered into regions based on  ethnicity. All patriotic Sri Lankans, whoever you are, wherever you are, act now to prevent this disaster. In particular, the Sinhala people must overcome their differences, join hands and organize to let the government know that devolution in any form will not be tolerated because our country, our heritage and our future are inalienable,  non-negotiable. National integration, not national disintegration, should be our goal.

The Front for National Integration has been formed to coordinate this effort. Join us, your country and your people need your support now!

National Integrity is The Key to Survival

We believe that appeasement of terrorists and separatists-in-waiting,  through devolution of power to regions along ethnic lines, would be an unmitigated disaster for all  people of Sri Lanka and for generations yet unborn.  Foreigners  who advocate the balkanization of our country do so having nothing to lose and everything to gain. Many countries that now urge Sri Lanka to dismember itself, have fought long hard civil wars to preserve the integrity of their nations to ensure that their citizens would inherit the blessings of peace and prosperity.

Indeed, Abraham Lincoln, the Union President during the US Civil War, said that if the unity of the country can be preserved by keeping all states free of slavery he would do that; or if the unity of the country can be preserved only by keeping some states slave and others free of slavery, he would do that; but if the unity of the country can be preserved only by letting all states be slave states, then he would do that; but whatever the circumstances, he would keep the country united. He placed the value of a united country above that of his cherished dream of abolishing slavery, fully recognizing the danger posed to his people by competition between two aggressive nations born in war in the same land. The partition of British India into two countries, for example, solved nothing and condemned the populations of both countries to permanent insecurity, regular wars and staggering defense expenditures which have arrested their economic development. The wisdom of Mahatma Gandhi's unsuccessful struggle to prevent the division of British India, and Abraham Lincoln's successful campaign to keep the United States whole, is evident for all to see. The wisdom of Lincoln's vision for the future of his country, and his iron-willed determination to keep the country whole, is today obvious to all who enjoy the peace, prosperity and global respect it has brought the United States.

The people of Sri Lanka deserve and yearn for no less.  We owe too much to the memory of our thousands of honoured dead, soldiers, policemen and innocent civilians alike, who have given the last full measure of their devotion to their country, to abandon what they sought to preserve. We owe too much to our forefathers, who fought and died to keep this land free of invaders, and who preserved our heritage through millennia, to give in so easily to terrorist threats. Indeed, in the 12th century A.D. a Chola prince arriving in Sri Lanka inscribed in stone "....the illustrious Codagama Deva having arrived in the unconquerable Lanka, the forehead ornament of the earth to the Lord Siva" at Gokanna (Trincomalee) in recognition of the commonly held belief among the people of South India that despite continued invasions, Sri Lanka could not be conquered. I believe that the unconquerable spirit of the Sinhala people shines unabated, still endures, deep within our hearts.

India's Awful Legacy

India, our giant neighbour, has been a disappointment to the Sinhala people.  India bears the primary responsibility for the violence and destruction  unleashed in Sri Lanka since the early 1980's. Driven by the need to garner political support from Tamil Nadu, and by erroneous assessments of imagined threats to India from Sri Lanka's attempt to develop its economy through free market economic policies and regional collaboration with all of its neighbors, the Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi governments of India planted the seed of militant separatism in Sri Lanka, and aided and abetted its growth. India, with the enthusiastic collaboration of the Tamil Nadu state government, first provided military training and equipment, massive funding, political support and encouragement to separatist groups in Sri Lanka, next intervened to prevent Sri Lanka from rooting out the LTTE when its defeat  was imminent, violated the air space of our sovereign nation, threatened to militarily invade Sri Lanka on a massive scale, and finally forced the Sri Lanka government to accept intervention by Indian troops to oversee a de-facto partitioning of the country in favour of  the Tamil  separatists.

This invasion of Sri Lanka by Indian troops on behalf of the Tamil separatists, is now falsely represented to the world as having been at Sri Lanka government's invitation, and in response to a request for 'help' from the Sri Lanka government.  Nothing could be further from the truth. This shameful episode in Indo-Sri Lankan relations can be compared to Hitler's bullying of Czechoslovakia (and the Allies) into accepting partition, and then total occupation, on the eve of World War II.  To its chagrin, India found that instead of gaining an ally in the LTTE in Sri Lanka while "cutting Sri Lanka down to size," it had instead harbored a venomous snake in its bosom, a snake that had uncoiled and was striking at its own national integrity. The LTTE, India found, was espousing separatism in Tamil Nadu and, towards that end, was assisting separatist groups everywhere in India to destabilize and weaken the federal government and cause disintegration of India itself. Incredible as it may seem, this agenda of the LTTE and the potential threat it posed to India, obvious to all in Sri Lanka, was not appreciated by the leaders of the Indian government, overly confident of their own strength and power. When the Indian government finally woke up and sought to bring the LTTE to heel, it found a costly conflict on its hands and beat a hasty retreat back to India. Today, Sri Lanka is still coping with the awful legacy of the Indian government's interference in our sovereign country. More recently, however, India has been assisting Sri Lanka to interdict LTTE's gun-running activities at sea and has resumed its original much appreciated role as a good neighbour.

The Sinhala people have a continuing love, affection and friendship for India as the land of our origin, our culture and our religion, our comrade-in-arms in the struggle for independence, our partner in regional security and trade, and take great pride in the accomplishments of India, and Indians, all over the world. Sri Lanka and the Sinhala people will never threaten the security and the integrity of India, and wish to maintain good relations at all times. However, it is abundantly clear that Sri Lanka, as a small vulnerable country, cannot expect our friendship, respect, and non-interference in India's internal matters, to be always reciprocated by Indian governments. Sri Lanka must anticipate, and plan to defend itself against  misguided, even stupid, Machiavellian policies of isolated, but powerful, Indian politicians, at both state and federal levels. Politicians whose immediate temporary needs to remain in power often overwhelm their good sense, and their nation's long term interest in having a reliable inoffensive neighbour and ally in the majority community of Sri Lanka. As the near-fatal wound inflicted on Sri Lanka by India's recent actions show, the belief that inoffensiveness alone would guarantee the security of Sri Lanka is patently false and naive; good neighbourliness must be supplemented by the military strength and broad-based military organizations required to defend the country against all domestic and foreign aggressors.

Consequences of Devolution of Power on the Basis of Ethnicity
  
Our long history abounds with numerous examples of how internal regional divisions, that invited  foreign invasions, led to the destruction of our civilizations and the lives of our people. It is not the alleged discrimination against the Tamil people that spawned the Tamil separatist movement, but their recognition of the military weakness of Sri Lanka, the availability of support from Tamil Nadu in India, and possibility of  obtaining aid from a suitably manipulated federal government of India. The federal government of India has now recognized that the LTTE and Indian Tamil separatism is a far greater threat to India than any imagined threat from the government of Sri Lanka. Given the strained feelings between the people of Tamil Nadu and the North India, the Tamil community in Tamil Nadu will always be more susceptible to manipulation by the LTTE. Tamil separatists in Sri Lanka recognize this fully;  they will make every attempt to exacerbate and exploit separatist tendencies in India, and gain assistance from Tamil Nadu.

Given this indisputable fact,  no amount of concessions by any Sri Lankan government can satisfy the demands of the LTTE. Their territorial demands in Sri Lanka will not end after the realization of any initial Eelam, or any other unit of devolution on an ethnic basis, in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, the full scope of the LTTE agenda will inevitably bring about a Tamil separatist movement and conflict in India, with Eelam territory in Sri Lanka as the springboard for that effort. The result will be the spillover of an unending war onto Sri Lankan territory, as in the case of Cambodia and Laos in the Vietnam war. There will be massive uncontrolled  influxes of Indian Tamil refugees into Sri Lanka, encouraged and aided by the LTTE, and further de-facto annexation of non-Eelam territory in Sri Lanka to accommodate these people. We have already seen the willingness of the LTTE to engineer mass displacements of  "their own people" both  within Sri Lanka, and from Sri Lanka to other countries, when it suits their political purpose. Any such massive influx of Indians into Sri Lanka, would further compound Sri Lanka's security and economic problems and would irretrievably change the demographics and the essential character of Sri Lanka as a Sinhala Buddhist country.

Have we forgotten the importation of millions of Indian laborers into the hill country, against the wishes of the Sinhala people, the last time Sri Lanka lost control of its borders and its sovereignty to the British? Have we forgotten how, contrary to the provisions of the Kandyan Convention of March 2, 1815, the Sinhala people lost political power, were gradually ousted from their lands, were relegated to the bottom rung of the citizenry, and lost the protection and government patronage for Buddhism, their religion? Have we forgotten how in the ensuing 150 years speaking Sinhala, being a Buddhist, and using our ancestral Sinhala names became disqualifications for economic and social progress of Sinhala people in Sri Lanka? The re-emergence of these indignities, and creeping alienation of our fundamental rights,  will be among the inevitable consequences of the loss of control of the coastal border, and any territory within Sri Lanka, to a group that is both ill-disposed towards the Sinhala people and has established a common cause with a foreign ethnic community.

Reject Defeatism, Organize to Win

It is clear that successive Sri Lankan governments did not recognize the full scope of the short and long term threats to the country posed by military weakness, and the penalty of allowing the separatist threat to survive and grow. That this separatist war could not have been avoided by any concessions, that it can be prevented only by early national integration and military strength, and that it was made inevitable by Sri Lanka's military weakness, cannot be over emphasized.  Furthermore, the Sri Lankan government has not yet mobilized all human and material resources that are available to combat and eliminate this threat, thereby allowing a defeatist "this war cannot be won by military means" mentality to grow and pervade the entire Sinhala population. This lack of vision, lack of recognition of the mortal danger that confronts the nation, even at this late hour, is inexplicable, inexcusable.

If the United States and Britain had faced the trials of World War II in this way, they would still be fighting it. Fighting a war with shackled limbs, without focus or full commitment, without the iron-will and determination required to win, leads to prolongation of the war and the onset of war weariness in the population. As in the Vietnam war, this war weariness  is what the LTTE, and the separatists-in-waiting in the Tamil political parties in Colombo,  count on to gain their ends. However, there is an essential difference between this war and the Vietnam war. This war is not being fought on foreign soil by the Sinhala people, nor is it being fought by an unrepresentative minority government without the support of the vast majority of the people of the country.  This war can be won because the Sinhala people live in this country and have no where else to go. Unlike the Tamils who have a 'homeland' in Tamil Nadu, Sri Lanka is the only 'homeland' in the world that the Sinhala people have.

 A country can be secure only if its borders can be controlled and defended.  Sri Lanka cannot be defended without complete control of its coastline; in this respect it is similar to the island nation of Britain which successfully fended off invaders from the time of William the Conquerer to the present day. Therefore, this war must be won without any form of devolution, and all of Sri Lanka's territory and its entire coastline must be secured.  A broad-based peoples defense establishment must be setup and permanently maintained to assure the security of the nation in the future. The choices are crystal clear: we can win, end the war, keep Sri Lanka whole and achieve peace and prosperity for all, or we can give up and re-enter the dark days of servitude from which we emerged in 1948. No community in Sri Lanka stands to lose more than the Sinhala people by acceding to devolution. The Sinhala people, who are just beginning to recover from the effects of a long period of colonial domination, stand to forfeit all progress made in the last fifty years. It is preposterous that a 75% majority population cannot summon the will to protect itself against the unreasonable demands of a few thousand terrorists on behalf of a 12.5% ethnic minority. It is very clear to me that the Sinhala people yearn for decisive leadership, a full military mobilization of the country, rapid execution of the war to a speedy victorious conclusion, without any devolution of power that would ultimately lead to the loss of everything we have as a people. As in World War II, there must never be negotiations with aggressors and mass murderers; they must be held accountable for their crimes when this war is ended.

False Allegations of Intolerable Discrimination

Contrary to LTTE propaganda, every statistic on Sri Lanka speaks volumes in praise of the egalitarian virtues of the society that has taken root in Sri Lanka since independence. Let us note that India, which attained independence one year before Sri Lanka, has yet to achieve this level of equity for its people. In Hindu majority India, discrimination on the basis of caste and creed is endemic. Indeed, the government of India has instituted affirmative action programs to uplift the so called "untouchables" and these programs have been violently opposed by people of the higher castes. In the United States, only in the 1960's was progress made on enfranchising and bringing  african americans and other minorities into the main stream of society - a goal that has not yet been fully attained.

When Sri Lanka became independent, the Sinhala people were the disadvantaged, disenfranchised, and suppressed people in the country who needed affirmative action. Yet, in Sri Lanka, the programs instituted were not directed towards the Sinhala people only, but towards all disadvantaged communities in the country, Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim alike. Because of their initial advantages stemming from colonial days, Tamils as a community have benefited mightily from these programs instituted by successive enlightened predominantly Sinhala governments; benefits they would not have had if they had lived in Tamil Nadu in India. Indeed, we recall the struggle by the lower caste Tamil communities in Sri Lanka to gain access to the brahmin-run Hindu temples of the Tamil community - a struggle that would have been unnecessary had they been Buddhists. I also recall that many of my Tamil colleagues at the Engineering Faculty of the University of Sri Lanka in Peradeniya could not obtain class notes during vacations from their upper caste Tamil colleagues by going to their homes in Jaffna - they were barred from visiting the latter's homes and were afraid to do so - and preferred to come to my house in the South to borrow from me! Yet, at this national university, we were all equal. No such discrimination was ever practiced by any Sinhala person against any Tamil, whatever his caste or creed.

What, then, is the reason for the much greater progress towards social justice made in Sri Lanka compared to India? An analysis of this disparity between Sri Lanka and India has made it clear to me that the great strides made in Sri Lanka are due to the general environment of compassion and tolerance engendered by the Buddhist traditions and values of the majority Sinhala community. In every country, it is the majority community that sets the tone for social progress and economic equity. The Sinhala Buddhist community has established an enviable record for social justice in Sri Lanka as documented by both domestic and international bodies (e.g., UN, ILO). Today, Sri Lanka enjoys a literacy rate above 90%, compulsory education for all its children, a children's mortality rate comparable to those of developed countries, free universal healthcare, affordable rail and bus transportation, electricity in most rural homes, widespread land ownership, full representation of women and minorities in the labor force and in government, a system of labor laws acknowledged to be a model for developing nations, the highest per capita income and lowest birth rate in the South Asian region.

This broad-based record of a caring society, and a system of laws that treats all citizens fairly within the confines of resource limitations, is inconsistent with the claims of intolerable discrimination made by the LTTE. How can it be that the Sinhala people who created a society that treats all of its people equally and well in every other respect fails to treat only the Tamil people badly? How can the Tamil people claim discrimination when they are represented  in every professionally and economically rewarding field in far greater proportion than their numbers in the population? Certainly, that proportion has decreased from the early days of independence to the present as the formerly disenfranchised people of all communities gained equal access to the opportunities for advancement in the country.

The answer is that the charge of  "intolerable discrimination" is simply a false allegation unsupported by objective statistical analyses and facts. This is a fictional allegation, a gross distortion of the truth, a molehill magnified into a mountain, engineered and crafted by the separatists to prevent the Sinhala community from defending their rights; designed to defame, demonize and isolate the Sinhala community in the eyes of the world, and to provide a basis for making unreasonable demands in the belief that Sri Lanka's military weakness, and support from abroad, would yield fruit. What the separatists are really saying is that they mourn the loss of the special privileges the Tamils enjoyed under British colonial rule in return for their collaboration in suppressing and dispossessing the Sinhala people. Emboldened by the assistance from India, they are saying that when they can carve out a large part of Sri Lanka solely for themselves, why should they accept co-existence as mere equals!

The Sinhala people cannot be held responsible for the ambitious racist aspirations and imagined grievances under the Pan-Tamil agenda in India, Sri Lanka and elsewhere in the world. Pursuing the agenda, in Sri Lanka they have followed the time-honoured formula, to wit: first - engineer a series of violent incidents that invite retaliation to alienate your own community from the others, to establish a captive constituency, and to create a basis for a claim of intolerable discrimination; second - create a mass exodus of people to go abroad as refugees, elicit sympathy, spread propaganda, and form a tax base for funding terrorism derived from criminal activities and exploiting the welfare programs in the unwilling host countries; third - defame the home country to alienate, demonize and isolate it from the world community; fourth - either hoodwink/blackmail a neighbouring country into lending assistance and/or militarily invading and partitioning the home country, or carry out mass bombings and exterminations at a heightened pace until the home government caves in; and sixth, if all else fails and the terrorists are in danger of being wiped out - appeal to the United Nations for intervention and recognition on the basis of a need to prevent genocide. This, then, is how the LTTE hopes to get a lion's share of Sri Lanka through terrorism, following a well known blueprint for such landgrabs recorded in recent history.

The Sinhala people, mindful of their own history,  have always reacted angrily to demands to dismember Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, we recall that it took many years of hit-and-run terrorist attacks against the government officials and innocent civilians before the pot boiled over with communal riots in 1983. Unfortunately, this was just what the separatists had planned and engineered in order to alienate the Tamil community from the Sinhala people and to justify their continued terrorism. This retaliation by the majority community is not a response unique to Sri Lanka; such unfortunate incidents have occurred in almost every nation (India, US etc.)  where volatile elements of majority communities have been goaded into action to protect their essential interests. While any violence against innocent people should be condemned and prevented, such aberrations cannot be used to condemn an otherwise caring society as discriminatory, or to engineer the dismemberment of  the country.

As in all other countries of the world, small minorities must adjust their thinking and aspirations to accomodate the essential interests of the preponderant majority, to live under one system of law with equal rights for all. When a minority community supports the values and goals of the majority community,  it wins for itself a secure place in that society. However, if it attempts to set itself up as a special privileged group without loyalty to the society at large, then it incurs the wrath of that society. This is merely common sense that applies to getting along with any group of people in a workgroup, in a small village, or in a country. In Sri Lanka, in spite of rabble rousers such as Chelvanayakam and Ponnambalam, the Tamil and Sinhala people had developed an amicable relationship prior to the events precipitated in the 1980s through Indian interference. Therefore, Sinhala people must not become brainwashed through well orchestrated domestic and international propaganda  to accept that fighting in self-defense against politically motivated terrorism, to prevent the disintegration of one's own country,  is discrimination against a minority. If the Sinhala people acquire such a mind set through listening to the chanted mantra of alleged  intolerable discrimination, without closely examining the facts, then this war and this country will be lost. All of the hard won gains made by our  long suppressed people in the last fifty years will vanish without a trace.  Without security and the rule of law, there can be no peace, no prosperity, no future. That peace, that prosperity and that future will not come easily; it must be fought for with iron determination and single minded focus on preserving the integrity of Sri Lanka.

The Front For National Integration

The Front for National Integration has been formed to organize opposition to the disastrous concept of devolution that would embed and institutionalize ethnic divisions within the country which, as our history teaches us, would irretrievably compromise the security of the nation. The Front for National Integration rejects the allegation  that intolerable discrimination has been systematically inflicted upon the Tamil people, or any other minority community, in Sri Lanka. We maintain that it is the Sinhala people who are emerging from centuries of discrimination practiced upon them. We reject the self-serving destructive concept of separate 'homelands' for each minority that alleges discrimination to the exclusion of the right of the Sinhala people to their only 'homeland' of Sri Lanka with its natural defensible border along its entire coastline.  The Front for National Integration maintains that the solution to any alleged discrimination against any minority is not to compound one set of ill-perceived wrongs with new blunders and wrongs against the Sinhala people, but to integrate the country by restructuring the Sri Lanka government, and the laws of the land, to foster the growth of one united people within the framework of one indivisible nation. 

We say to the Tamil people: You are our countrymen, our neighbors and friends. Sinhala people wish you no harm and are not in any way your enemy. We invite you to live in harmony among us as citizens with equal rights, with equal protection under one system of laws,  in a primarily Sinhala Buddhist country, without demanding special privileges or separate homelands. This is, for example, no different from the minorities within the European-Christian society of the United States, who co-exist in complete harmony and safety, without demanding separate ethnic homelands. The social gains made in Sri Lanka by all communities in the last 50 years is ample evidence of the Sinhala people's committment to a just society.

However, you must accept that the Sinhala people will not accede to any demand for breaking up Sri Lanka into separate "ethnic homelands" or into any form of "ethnic administrative units" that would jeopardize their security, or hinder the development of all resources of the country for the benefit of all of our people without regard to race or creed. There has never been, and never will be, an exclusive Tamil homeland in Sri Lanka.  Nor can "special aspirations" of Tamil people, that are different from those of other communities in Sri Lanka, be accomodated on the basis of manufactured "grievances." It must be clear to you that communal violence has erupted only when the security and integrity of Sri Lanka is threatened, invariably by the violent actions of members of your own community, and the historical fears and survival instincts of the Sinhala people are revived. As a practical matter, you must also recognize that until the frequent terrorist activities by members of the Tamil community end,  it is unreasonable to expect that the lawful security measures and searches experienced by the Tamil community will end. Tamil people are subject to these inconveniences not just because they are Tamils, but because all acts of LTTE terrorism are committed by members of the Tamil community. These security measures are unfortunate, but necessary under the circumstances. The best way of bringing this to an end is for the large majority of law-abiding people in the Tamil community to discourage and work against those who engage in terrorism. We must all stop thinking of ourselves as Sinhalas, Tamils, Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus and Christians but only as Sri Lankans who want to live and prosper free of fear and suspicion.

We believe that the devolution package, and indeed the concept of devolution in any form, is misguided, dangerous, defeatist, and foolish in the extreme. The country is already strained to its limit to maintain security in the land. Imagine then, how much harder it would be to do so with a  weak central government and semi-autonomous ethnic regions. The LTTE's ethnic cleansing activities in the past give ample notice that LTTE's racist view of Eelam as a "Tamil only" monoethnic region would create an apartheid state within Sri Lanka; a concept alien to Sinhala Buddhist philosophy. Furthermore, Sri Lanka is a tiny country which must not be burdened with multiple layers of tax supported regional administrations and unnecessary government bureaucracies that would stifle commercial activity and economic growth. At a time when other nations are streamlining their governments, paring costs and gearing up to efficiently compete in the global marketplace, we are asked to proliferate minor satrapies, interminable elections to local government offices, and pave the way for an explosion of corruption and bribery that would make life impossible for all.

The devolution package should be rejected in its entirety by all patriotic Sri Lankans.  Contrary to current propaganda by misguided people committed to devolution, and former separatists clamouring for power, we believe that the  LTTE and their minions can be and should be militarily defeated, that the country should marshal all of its resources now to achieve this goal, that devolution should be abandoned as undesirable, unworkable and fraught with danger, that separatism in all of its forms should be declared treason and outlawed, and that all regions of the country should be made equally accessible to all Sri Lankans so that they can travel, settle and live wherever they wish in the country under the protection of one system of laws.

All existing political and administrative entities based on ethnicity should be dismantled, and programs should be instituted to homogenize existing ethnic concentrations of population, and to discourage the growth of ethnic regions in the country. The system of education should be revised to eliminate the segregation of children of different communities from one another, and to promote interaction with and understanding between children of different communities in their early formative years. Political organizations with names that reflect separatism in any form should be outlawed. Collusion with foreign countries and powers to precipitate their intervention in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka, without lawful authority granted by parliament, should be declared treason punishable by death. Citizenship of the country should be jealously guarded and restricted to people of only Sri Lankan origin and their first generation descendants. Given the huge disparities in wealth between Sri Lanka and other countries of the world, land ownership in Sri Lanka must be restricted to only Sri Lankan citizens  and their first generation descendants (as in most nations of the world); failure to do so will in time convert the people of Sri Lanka into a nation of landless renters in their own country.  When the land is alienated, citizenship is a meaningless concept.

The laws of the land should be strictly enforced through massively and permanently stationed military forces that are provided all amenities to live and settle with their families where they are stationed, and to integrate into and contribute to the local economies. The land resources of the country should be developed to encourage the growth of a homogeneous population for the benefit of all people of the country.

The entire adult population of the country should be trained and mobilized in the defense of the country (as in Israel, Taiwan, Switzerland etc.) through impartial and uniformly enforced universal conscription into the armed forces with appropriate safeguards against any degeneration into ethnic units. Military training and service should be maintained on a rotational compulsory basis. Such a defense force, that involves the entire population in the defense of the country, can bring this war to a speedy conclusion by denying every opportunity, and every sanctuary, to the terrorists and separatists through massive permanent presence throughout the country - a goal that cannot be achieved by the limited manpower currently available to the armed forces. It is only through such a peoples defense strategy that the cost of aggression can also be made sufficiently high to give pause to the most powerful of external aggressors - as Switzerland did in deterring Hitler during World War II, and Taiwan did in holding China at bay since the 1950s.

Sri Lanka must also transform itself into a seafaring nation with a powerful navy and coast guard, a large merchant marine, and a large fishing fleet. The naval and coast guard institutions should also serve as training institutions for civilian marine officers and seamen. Such a dual purpose naval establishment would exploit Sri Lanka's strategic location that straddles international shipping lanes, and would contribute to both Sri Lanka's coastal defence and its rapid economic development.

These military organizations and administrative structures should be made permanent features of the defense of our country to convert this island again into a Fortress Lanka - the "unconquerable Lanka" of old. They should be made into instruments for inculcating and maintaining a high-level of national conciousness and patriotism among the people, and service in the Sri Lanka Defense Forces should be elevated to an honoured preferred credential - a red badge of honour - for gainful employment in civilian life (as in Israel).

To attain these goals, the Front for National Integration asks the Peoples Alliance and the United National Party to forget their differences and the internecine jockeying for personal power, and to join hands with all other patriotic people to form a National Integration Government. Such a government, would be free of the blackmail they are currently subjected to by the separatists-in-waiting in Colombo. These separatists-in-waiting now determine who remains in power, and confound every attempt to keep the country whole. With impunity they invite other nations to intervene on their behalf  in Sri Lanka, militarily and otherwise,   without any lawful authority; these are treasonable actions punishable by death in most other countries such as the United States.

However, if the two main parties cannot reconcile their differences to save the country at this critical hour, then the people of Sri Lanka must vote all of them out of office, and form a new national government that is committed to the integration of Sri Lanka into one indivisible nation without devolution of power or dismemberment of the country into ethnic regions. It is not the survival of political leaders that is at stake here, it is the survival of Sri Lanka and its People. It is the sacred duty of all leaders to set aside their petty differences and protect the motherland. I do believe that if the leaders fail in their duty to assure the integrity and security of Sri Lanka, the rage of ordinary people would rise up in a firestorm to engulf and destroy them.

National Integration is the key to peace and prosperity. Peace and prosperity cannot be won by appeasement of terrorists and bargaining away our country, our security and our future. Sacrifice and eternal vigilance have always been the price of freedom. I urge all patriotic Sri Lankans to join and support the Front for National Integration now to help save our country and our people from destruction.

Thursday, November 18, 2010

Sri Lanka Rising, Gives Birth to Magampura Port ! Hambanthota Harbor takes its place in the world map, Sri Lanka President says





ColomboPage News Desk
Hambanthota, Sri Lanka
November 18, 2010 



Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa today declared open the newly built Magampura Harbor in Hambanthota with a ceremonial berthing of a vessel at the port.


The first vessel that was anchored outside the harbor was taken into the harbor at the auspicious time of 10:30 a.m. today. Three ships led by the Sri Lanka Navy's Jetliner entered the Harbor ceremonially.
 

Addressing the ceremony the President said the arrival of the first ship at the Hambantota harbour has marked a new location in the world naval map.



 
"Today, we have left our mark, not only on the Sri Lankan map but also the world map. Today the Port of Magampura saw the berthing of its first ship. In the maritime maps of the world this will be marked as an important port," he said. 

The President said today as his first term of presidency comes to an end and a new term begins tomorrow, he is extremely pleased to fulfill the pledges he made during his first term. One of the pledges is to achieve an honourable peace and the other pledge was to create a new Sri Lanka, he said adding that he was glad to state that he was able to fulfill both these promises within five years, even before the end of his term.

President Rajapaksa also presided over the commencement of the second stage of construction of the harbour that is to be completed by 2014. He noted that the harbour is a new opening for the development in the next five years.

Seruwila, the first ship that reached the harbour brought a Buddha statue gifted to Sri Lanka by Myanmar to the shore.

Conveying the commendations and the best wishes of the Chinese government special envoy to Chinese President, Sang Guowei said the Magampura harbour is the prominent symbol of friendship between China and Sri Lanka.

The Chinese envoy pointed out that the harbour, to be developed as a leading intermediary harbour in the Indian Ocean Zone, will massively benefit Sri Lanka's economy through the building of extensive business relations in the region.

The first phase of the Harbour, built at a cost of US $ 437 million is a joint venture between China Harbor Engineering and Syno Hydro Corporation. The Government of China provided 85 percent of financial assistance.

First Lady Shiranthi Rajapaksa, Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa, Prime Minister D.M. Jayaratne, Deputy Minister Rohitha Abeygunawardana, Chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority Dr. Priyath Bandu Wickrema also participated in the ceremony.
 (Photos by Sudath Silva)





 
HELA JATHIKA ABHIMANEY!
By C.T. Fernando

(Hela Jathika Abhimaney,
Wadu Viruwan Sey Poraney,
Dinu Mau Bima Sau Siriyen Sarasau!
Pibhidev!
Pibhidev!
Sarasev!)//

Vira Vikum Paa Pera Daruwo,
Desa Rasa Mura Keruwo,
Aey Leya Athi Oba Sura Viruwo,
Nomawevu Naya Karuwo!
Deya Diyunata Padayana Naviya,
Goviya Bima Deviya,

(Wipathehi, Sapathehi, Nosalei, Nothalei,
Ata Lodama Huru Helaya!)//

Hela Jathika Abhimaney.../

Muhudata Aadena Maha Ganga,
Kuburata Yali Harawa,
Danya Waga Kota Sri Laka Mey,
Peradiga Keta Karawa!
Ara Pirimasmata Puruduwela,
Bindalau Duka Sanka!

(Parakum Yugayak
Nawathath Arambau!
Nija Bhumi Thaley Lanka!)//

Hela Jathika Abhimaney ...//


JAYAWEWA, Sri Lanka Matha!




Dozens of colourfully dressed traditional drummers beat magul bera at President Mahinda Rajapaksa inauguration on Friday for a second six-year term in office. The ceremonial inauguration included a march-past by thousands of troops. AFP PHOTO/Ishara S. KODIKARA.
 

Monday, November 8, 2010

“Defeating Terrorism and Winning the Peace in Sri Lanka”

Ambassador Dr. Palitha T.B. Kohona 

AsiaTimes.com
November 11, 2010

Sri Lanka is one of those rare cases where terrorism has been comprehensively defeated, substantially by its own efforts despite all the advice, reservations and fears publicly expressed to the contrary.

A once-feared terrorist organization has been eliminated militarily. Not even a shadow of that organization remains in the country.

At one stage, many, including senior officials in Sri Lanka, believed that the LTTE could not be defeated by the government security forces.

In 2006, the Chief of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), General Henrickson, who had commanded peace-keeping forces in the Balkans, advised Sri Lankan officials at the highest levels not to entertain any thoughts of confronting the LTTE militarily, as the terrorist group was far too good and would prevail.

Similar warnings were given by many heads of Western Missions based in Colombo, with their long familiarity with the LTTE, and despite their own avowed anti-terrorist national policies and military actions designed to counter terrorists far from their own borders.

But the security forces of Sri Lanka, despite these warnings, under the leadership of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, decided to take on the LTTE and prevailed. The much-feared LTTE is now a shattered effigy, having been methodically swept aside by the Sri Lankan security forces.

The critical decision to take on the LTTE was made after much heart-searching and after the LTTE itself had scuttled three efforts in 2006 to end the conflict through negotiations. Since 1987, it had rebuffed repeated efforts by successive governments to reach a peaceful end to the conflict.

In February 2006, the LTTE left the negotiations convened in Geneva by the Norwegian facilitators with a commitment to reconvene in April. However, overconfident and brash, their outrageous demands on how their Eastern leaders should be transported to meet the Northern leaders for pre-negotiation consultations resulted in that round of talks being aborted.

Every offer made by the Government to transport the Eastern leaders to the North, with the assistance of the Government Peace Secretariat, including by ferry, chartered helicopter and by seaplane, was arrogantly rebuffed.

In parallel, the LTTE kept up a barrage of attacks on military and civilian targets, including a suicide bomb attack by a pregnant woman on the Army Commander, a claymore mine attack on a busload of civilians in Kebithigollewa which killed 70 and a truck bomb targeting naval personnel coming home on leave for the national New Year, which killed over 120; all designed to break the will of the government or provoke a nasty civilian or government reaction. Hundreds of soldiers and civilians were slaughtered in this murderous campaign of terror, but no civilian backlash or retaliation occurred.
'
However, it was becoming difficult for a democratically elected government to continue to tolerate these egregious provocations without responding. It was becoming clear to the dismay of LTTE strategists that the sense of maturity and discipline among the civilians would continue.

A Government delegation led by the then Secretary-General of the Government Peace Secretariat, Dr. Kohona, visited Oslo in June 2006 and a LTTE delegation led by Tamilselvan was flown to Oslo by the Norwegian peace facilitators. The LTTE just refused to sit at the table, although the two delegations shared the same hotel.

In July/August, the LTTE, in an unprecedented provocative move, cut off the water supply to some 65,000 people in the Eastern Province by occupying the ‘Mavil Aru’ canal, which is located in the North-Central Province (and which had never been claimed as part of the so-called Tamil homeland) and after ten days of negotiations to get them to leave, including by the Government Peace Secretariat, were forcibly evicted by the Security Forces after a short, but bloody campaign. Short of troops for this effort, the government had to surreptitiously move a battalion from the tense Jaffna front to the Mavil Aru area.

This provocation was followed by massive attacks by the LTTE on the Security Forces, in Trincomalee, to the South of Trincomalee, and in Jaffna and the forcible eviction of over 54,000 Muslims from Muttur. The Trincomalee Harbour was shelled from Sampur on its southern shore. These attacks were repulsed and the LTTE was surprised by the resolve demonstrated by the security forces. This also boosted the morale of the security forces, courtesy the LTTE failure. It was becoming increasingly obvious that the LTTE, believing its own propaganda and encouraged by the assessments of Western diplomatic missions, was determined to achieve its goals through violence and military means, rather than through negotiations.

Yet another round of talks was convened in Geneva by the Norwegians and was scuttled by the LTTE walking out after making impossible demands, including that the A-9 road to the North be reopened. (The A-9 was closed after the August attacks on Jaffna). President Rajapaksa, who had even sent emissaries to the LTTE stronghold, Kilinochchi, to persuade them to return to the negotiating table, was now forced to make a critical decision to deploy his security forces against the LTTE.

Once the decision to engage the LTTE militarily was made, the Government adopted a critical policy stance to clearly underline the distinction between the terrorist LTTE and Tamil civilians. The military offensive was to be a humanitarian mission. This was an important strategic decision, as it helped to create the political space for the non-LTTE Tamils to support the Government, or at least stay neutral and brought home the significance of the distinction to many elements of the international community. It was repeatedly underlined that the target of the government’s action was not the Tamil minority.

The international community could now maintain or impose new proscriptions on the LTTE, because there was no possibility of mistaking these proscriptions as being actions taken against the Tamil community.

From the perspective of many Western democracies, this was important in view of the large Tamil populations which had settled in their lands after the riots of 1983 and which were becoming significant electorally. The import of this distinction became particularly vital in the light of the frenzied campaign carried out by the LTTE and its supporters over the years, and specifically, towards the end of the military campaign alleging that the Tamil civilians were being indiscriminately harmed by the security forces.

The charge of indiscriminate shelling and genocide was bandied around, and used effectively to fuel passionate demonstrations that had a noticeable impact on the media and high level perceptions of Sri Lanka. This perception which strangely reflected LTTE propaganda, ran in the face of the government contention that it had no intention of shelling or otherwise harming its own people. While in any form of warfare, civilians do get harmed, the Sri Lankan military forces were under strict instructions to avoid civilian concentrations. The government’s policy was also designed to convince the Tamil civilians that it would provide them with better care and opportunities than the LTTE.

Despite the propaganda frenzy of the LTTE and its supporters, avidly lapped up by the sensation seeking media and reflected enthusiastically by Western liberal minded politicians keeping a weather eye on significant Tamil groups in their electorates, the Government of Sri Lanka maintained its focus. Allegations of genocide ran in the face of the thousands of Tamil civilians who left LTTE-controlled areas over the years to live peacefully in areas under Government control. (54% of Tamils live in Sinhala dominated areas in the South, outside the so-called homeland). It would be strange indeed, if the bulk of the Tamils fled their so-called homeland to live voluntarily in areas where genocide was apparently being practiced.

Charges of indiscriminate bombings of civilians, including medical facilities, sometimes backed by satellite images sourced to the United Nations, had to be refuted by challenging the veracity and the lack of corroborating evidence and the large scale movements of civilians to government controlled areas.

Suggestions of large numbers of civilian deaths, made even by leaders of countries whose own forces were causing large-scale collateral damage in anti-terrorist campaigns far from their own borders, also had to be refuted. The Government steadfastly maintained its own commitment to minimize civilian casualties among its own citizens.

In the early parts of the campaign, the propaganda mouthpiece of the LTTE, the Tamilnet, had hardly anything to say about civilian casualties. The deliberate policy of avoiding harm to civilians, slowed down the military’s advance considerably. Each village and each town had to be approached with care to avoid civilian casualties – a policy that produced a dual impact. The vast majority of the Tamils outside the areas of control of the LTTE could be convinced that the Government’s goal was not to harm the Tamils.

Even Tamils living in LTTE controlled areas knew that it was better to live under Government control. (60,000 to 70,000 Tamils moved out of the Vanni to live in Sinhala majority areas in 2007/08 prior to the offensive in the North). The policy of zero civilian casualties instilled a higher sense of caring discipline among the security forces compared with other forces battling rebel groups in the neighborhood. There were very few verified complaints of indiscipline among the security forces.

As part of government policy, opportunities were created for non-LTTE Tamils to emerge from the shadows. Initially, they were slow to assert themselves, but once the fallacy of the LTTE’s invincibility was exposed, many took the risk of adopting a public stance against the LTTE (it was still a risk, as demonstrated by the brutal murder of Kethish Loganathan, my own deputy in the Peace Secretariat, by the LTTE in 2006).

Overseas, many Tamils who had marked time now had the opportunity to go public with anti-LTTE views. The Government, as part of a move to engage the Tamil diaspora in a dialogue, invited representative groups for discussions in early 2009 and is continuing to reach out.

The President and senior Government Ministers took and continue to take every opportunity to meet with members of Tamil groups on their visits overseas. This dialogue will continue. It was also abundantly clear that there was no unanimous affection for the LTTE or its self-associated leadership among many members of the Tamil community in the West. (It is variously estimated that the Tamils in the West number approximately 1.5 million). Sri Lankan groups which had been functioning independently were brought together in places such as Australia, New Zealand, the USA, UK and Canada. In certain countries, the contribution made by the pro Sri Lankan diaspora was absolutely crucial in maintaining the pressure on their host governments.

It also became important to ensure that the international front was managed as carefully as the battle front in the Vanni. The LTTE and its propaganda machine kept up a barrage of anti government propaganda and the conflict was portrayed as one between an oppressor government and an oppressed minority. (One notes the use, towards the latter stages of the conflict, of emotive expressions such as genocide and references to the indiscriminate shelling of civilians by the Tamilnet without substantiation). They cultivated community leaders, NGOs and decision-makers in the West over the years and many honestly believed their version of the conflict. It became necessary to counter this. Inevitably, it was difficult for the government to take the initiative as the LTTE was well-entrenched. The government's role was reduced to a reactive one.

While the LTTE had hundreds of dedicated cadres working full time to disseminate its message, including by effectively exploiting the electronic medium (there were over 280 websites supporting the LTTE), propaganda footage shot in Sri Lanka was usually released to media outlets within hours. Many government missions overseas boasted only three or four staff who were also required to cover a range of issues. The Government's efforts overseas, especially its efforts to marshal the support of anti LTTE elements in the Sri Lankan communities abroad, nevertheless, have borne significant fruit in recent years. Anti LTTE civic organizations became activated as they began to see the resolve of the government in Colombo. The LTTE remained proscribed in many of the democracies and in addition, LTTE front organizations were also proscribed.

Prosecutions were launched against LTTE operatives (fund raisers, arms procurers, organizers, etc.) in the USA, the UK, France, Canada, Italy and Australia. Covert intelligence sharing operations disturbed LTTE fund-raising, money laundering, arms smuggling and arms procurement activities. In a significant development, the government succeeded in capturing the LTTE’s key arms procurer, KP. The government maintained pressure on the LTTE internationally and forced it to operate in a clandestine manner, until in a master stroke, it decided to express itself through massive public demonstrations. The resulting calls for a ceasefire nd, even action against Sri Lanka, including through the UN had to be countered, sometimes using direct contacts with foreign capitals.

The Sri Lankan Foreign Service personnel performed creditably in all this. Following the defeat of the LTTE, efforts to bring Sri Lanka before the Security Council were countered and an anti-Sri Lanka resolution before the Human Rights Council was soundly defeated.

All along, it was critically important to maintain India’s understanding of Sri Lanka’s offensive against the LTTE. The groundswell of sympathy that the LTTE had managed to generate in South India and the influence of South Indian politicians on New Delhi had to be taken into account. The LTTE’s influence in South India was not comforting to the Indian body politic. The LTTE, in an unbelievably shortsighted and petty act of vengeance had assassinated the former Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, using a woman suicide bomber, closing its access to Indian policymakers for a long time to come.

Belated overtures at rapprochement were of little effect. The Sri Lankan government, under the leadership of President Rajapaksa, continued to reassure India that the conflict was with the terrorist LTTE and not with the Tamil population. Delegations at different levels were exchanged with India. Even as the civilian population held hostage by the LTTE streamed into camps prepared in advance by the government, India continued to be reassured that the civilians will be cared for, that the civilians were not the target, internally displaced persons will not suffer and any grievances of the Tamil minority will be addressed through a constitutional process. The 13th Amendment to the Constitution which resulted from the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987, would be the basis of Sri Lanka’s constitutional approach in addressing any grievances of the Tamil people.

The economy suffered immensely during more than 27 years of conflict. It is estimated that the country lost USD 200 billion in opportunity cost, including in the areas of tourism, inward investments and trade. Consistent with the thinking of other terrorist groups, the importance of targeting Sri Lanka's economy was recognized early by LTTE strategists and every effort was made to cripple it.

Ships were hijacked, the airport was attacked, banks were robbed, public facilities were bombed, pushing up insurance rates and scaring away potential visitors and investors. Their propaganda machine succeeded in convincing Western development partners to make human rights, in other words, adopting a softer approach to the LTTE, and a distraction from the main effort to crush terrorism - a precondition for the disbursement of promised aid. This perceived soft approach towards the LTTE by Western countries, caused enormous popular resentment within Sri Lanka. In due course, the USA made access to the Millennium Challenge Account conditional on compliance with standards which appeared to exceed even those that were applicable to themselves in their own “War on Terror”. The EU made the continued availability of the GSP + concession on which thousands of jobs depended, including those of women, subject to similar conditions. A cynic has observed that some Western nations have continued to labour under the “white man’s burden” in a different form.

Nations that had undertaken military ventures far from their borders to counter terrorism, and in the process, caused extensive harm to civilians and infrastructure, were now standing in judgment over Sri Lanka. Military sales to Sri Lanka were stopped and efforts were made to influence China to do the same. In both cases, the government adopted a hard line. Instead of succumbing to these pressures, the government was forced to seek development assistance from other partners and non-traditional allies and turned to alternative markets, where possible.

There was also recognition that economic power had shifted in the recent past to the East. This policy shift paid handsome dividends. Iran, for example, pledged over $1.9 billion in development assistance to Sri Lanka. China's share of development assistance topped 1 billion Dollars.

Japanese assistance continued unaffected by the critical approach of the Western democracies. India continued to assist Sri Lanka, including in strategic matters. While Sri Lanka, confronted with the choice of economic blackmail or finding an accommodation with terrorism, had to strengthen its ties with alternative partners, it worked assiduously at maintaining traditional ties. The government turned to new sources for military hardware. Helicopters, tanks, jet aircraft, artillery pieces, attack-craft etc., were sourced from non-Western countries.

The President, for his part, travelled regularly to key international destinations. Since 2006, he attended the UN General Assembly three times in successive years. He visited the UK and met Prime Minister Blair. He visited Libya, Iran, Jordan, China, Morocco, Italy, the Vatican, Japan and, most importantly, India. This helped to manage those key international relationships and also to reassure those countries of the sincerity of our position at the highest level.

Given the Tamil Nadu factor, keeping New Delhi regularly briefed of our position and reassuring it of our intentions was important.

Similarly, ensuring a regular flow of military requirements for the security forces was critical. [My own visits to the Czech Republic, Russia, Ukraine and Israel in 2007 served this purpose.] A constant effort was maintained to keep our friends briefed on the situation in Sri Lanka and holding back the anti Sri Lanka tide that the LTTE and its sympathizers were generating.

The critical and central role of defeating the LTTE was played by thousands of young men and women who believed in the integrity of their country, who single-mindedly sought to ensure a land free of violence to future generations and who were driven by the single purpose of protecting what was theirs for the future.

Thousands laid down their lives, lives that had not experienced the full range of joys and sorrows of human existence, and thousands were maimed for the sake of unborn generations so that the land shall be rid of the scourge of barbaric terrorism. Many women were left widowed and children fatherless. The key difference in enabling these sacrifices was the leadership, the leadership that would not be swayed from its course despite the incessant mud-slinging from within, and the pressures from abroad. The President remained committed to eliminating the LTTE. In addition, the men in uniform were now better trained, better armed and disciplined. Their level of commitment was high.

For the first time in this conflict which, by 2006, had lasted over twenty five years, the entire nation was mobilized. The nation which, by and large, in the past had been a bystander in the war effort, was made a central part of it. For the first time, bill boards appeared calling on the country to back the security forces. The media was mobilized, making the war a part of everyone’s daily life, which was part of the military strategy. With the mobilization of the entire population behind the war effort, recruitment ceased to be an issue.

The national flag sold in much larger quantities than ever before.

An inspired leadership also subtly changed the rules of combat in guerilla warfare. Instead of seeking to occupy or defend territory on a wide front, an approach which had been tried with poor results in the past, the military began to send highly trained and well equipped small units deep into LTTE controlled territory to consistently harass the LTTE, attack the leadership and disrupt their movements. They survived on the little that they could find from their surroundings and were very mobile. The operations of these small deep penetration units had a profoundly unsettling effect on LTTE leaders and fighters, forcing the experienced leaders to seek protection in fortified locations far from the front thus exposing raw cadres and child recruits without leadership to the flames of combat.

The military, also harassed the LTTE on a wide front. As expected, the LTTE found it difficult to deploy adequate fighting resources to meet this threat on an extended land area. In addition, the military also began to confront the LTTE incessantly with no let up whether it rained, flooded or on national holidays. Very quickly the fabled guerillas of the LTTE were losing cadres in significant numbers, their movements were restricted and they were reduced to manning protective bunkers and defending territory. A major tactical blunder.

Once this transition occurred, a well led, motivated, trained, and equipped conventional force was bound to prevail. Well trained infantry units crossed defended terrain and confronted enemy strong points with determination, thus further diminishing their will to fight. The rapid disintegration of the LTTE's fighting capabilities caught even the Sri Lankan military leadership by surprise. The withdrawal from one population centre to another which began at a trot, quickly became a dash from one safe haven to another, always herding large numbers of civilians and poorly trained child soldiers to provide a protective rearguard.

In the process, huge quantities of weapons, including long range artillery, heavy mortars, anti aircraft guns, surface-to-air missiles, landmines, chemical weapon-making equipment, tanks, thousands of AK47s etc., purchased in the global black market with the voluntary or forced contributions of Tamils living overseas, and smuggled into the country were left behind. Large caches were buried and are, even now, being recovered on a daily basis. Efforts to build semi submersible sea going craft were quite evident from the fully and partly constructed vessels captured by the army. Large numbers of suicide vessels and attack craft were captured.

Seven airfields (more than in the South) suggested military goals which may have encompassed a much wider territorial ambition than Sri Lanka.

The constant effort to build earthen embankments suggested a defensive mindset that had established itself in the LTTE. All this clearly indicates that a peaceful and negotiated end to the conflict was not in the contemplation of the LTTE. The much discussed grievances of the Tamils being at the core of the insurrection becomes highly debatable under the circumstances. It may have been the megalomania of an individual and the ambitions of a small group seeking to exploit the perceived grievances of the Tamil community to achieve a Hitlerite goal.

At sea, the navy began to challenge the capabilities of the LTTE resolutely. (At one point, the SLMM suggested reserving a demarcated area in the sea for training by LTTE vessels and the SLMM chief had himself photographed on the deck of an LTTE attack craft). They had built significant numbers of vessels, some capable of developing over 45 knots and swarms of suicide craft. The LTTE had and its rump overseas continues to own sea going vessels which were used to smuggle in large quantities of weapons. (Now they are suspected of smuggling people to the West.) LTTE suicide craft had regularly engaged State navel craft (usually swarming around them) and succeeded in inflicting significant losses.

When not at sea, these vessels were dragged deep inland for safety or even taken to the opposite side of the Island for offensive operations there. The Sri Lankan Navy developed a new strategy and the LTTE rapidly lost its edge at sea. The Navy, with better intelligence and enhanced surveillance capabilities, went in search of LTTE seagoing ships carrying weapons, far from its shores and destroyed them. Fleets of locally built fast attack craft (partly using technology adapted from captured LTTE suicide boats) were deployed to swarm around and destroy LTTE vessels as soon as they were put out to sea. This forced the LTTE craft to stay inshore where they fell prey to the advancing army or were picked off by the air force.

The crippling of the LTTE's sea capability also ensured that the quantity of weapons being smuggled was reduced to a minimum. The hopes of escape by sea for the LTTE leadership, was also eliminated.

It is now history that the LTTE, as it fled from one town to another and from one village to another, swept with it the civilian population and callously herded them in to an ever decreasing area and cynically used them, the very people it purported to champion, as a human shield and as bargaining chips while exposing them to the ravages of battle.

It is quite clear now that they located their fighters and big guns among the civilians. The civilians were the involuntary victims of a terrorist group’s deadly strategy. The LTTE knew well that these innocent civilians would suffer by being forced to partake in this dreadful game. But they callously persisted and used them as expendable pawns in a propaganda exercise. The vast majority of these civilians clearly had no desire to be part of the LTTE game plan and as soon as the security forces broke through the terrorist defences in April and May 2009, fled in to government controlled areas carrying whatever they could gather. This phenomenon was amply manifest on our global TV screens. These were not reluctant escapees.

They were making a desperate dash away from their ruthless captors, on occasion being subjected to gunfire and bomb blasts from them. The security forces, demonstrating the impact of their training and planning, exercised amazing restraint as they advanced, at great cost to themselves. The infantry advance resulted in serious casualties for the security forces.

We saw soldiers dropping their guns to assist civilians across flooded lagoons. Of course, as a consequence, the much anticipated and often trumpeted "blood bath" or the "humanitarian catastrophe" failed to materialise. In retrospect, one wonders whether the predictions of a “blood bath” were based on a sincere assessment or was a not too subtle attempt to pressure the Government to halt its advance against the terrorists.

Within days, the Government provided accommodation to 294,000 IDPs in well prepared camps, giving them food, clothing, shelter and medical care. Children were given schooling facilities. We succeeded in avoiding the familiar images from refugee camps elsewhere, the Congo, Darfur, Sierra Leone, etc., of forlorn children with sunken eyes – waiting for a passing relief truck to throw out food. Despite the clamour of NGOs to be given access to the camps, the Government ensured that basic necessities were provided immediately. There was no hunger, disease or deprivation in the camps.

With the nation solidly backing the military effort, the military eliminating the fabled LTTE fighting machine on land, in the sea, and in the air, and the Government boldly confronting the LTTE internationally, the world’s most dreaded terrorist organization crumbled in the space of two and a half years. Today, one hears not the explosions of claymore bombs, which were part of our daily experience for 27 years, but the noise of firecrackers and throbbing of drums of joy. As the French National Anthem exhorts “March on, march on- see their tears of joy, hear their cries of victory!”

Today, we see this on our streets, in our villages and our fields.

- Asian Tribune -

Jayawewa, Sri Lanka Matha!


Ratna Deepa, Janma Bhumi,
Lanka Deepa, Vijaya Bhumi,
Mey Apey Udara Wu,
Mathru Bhumi-yayi!
Mathru Bhumi-yayi!