SURFACING OF CEYLON HISTORY AFTER FIVE DECADES – II

Dr.Tilak Fernando

For nearly half a century Professor Laksman Susantha Perera’s research, bound in three volumes, consisting nearly 1400 pages on ancient inscriptions in ‘ Ceylon’ between 3rd Century to 10th Century AD gathered dust at the Peradeniya University, occasionally used by many scholars, lecturers and students over the years.
Of late, however, the University was sensible enough to convert the text onto microfiche format and save it from destruction. This has been the one and the only historical piece of evidence to the way of life of Ceylonese who lived during that era under Ceylonese Kingdoms.

This gem of history about Ceylon has been regularly used at the University by generation of historians until many of its pages were reduced to shreds by constant usage. Some who claimed to be ‘eminent scholars’ have used Perera’s Volumes as ‘ their original idea’ for personal glory, conveniently forgetting to acknowledge the authorship!

Over the years, Professor Perera’s ambition as a patriot to get this valuable piece of history published with a view to disseminating his stored up knowledge to the present generation was marked only by a single word ‘rejection’ by profit orientated publishers in the county. It was an unfortunate state of affairs and more so as Sudharshan Seneviratne, Prof. of Archaeology, University of Peradeniya once put it, a clear cut example of poverty of human values rather than poverty of history”. There were three copies available of the manuscript, one of which had been handed over to his guru Dr. Mendis, second copy to the Peradeniya University and the third copy remained with him for solid five decades.

‘Never say die until really dead’ !

As much as his enthusiasm to complete the study, Professor Perera’s attempts at publishing and making it known to the world never died. Decades after, while in retirement in London, he approached The International Centre for Ethnic Studies in Kandy. Its Executive Director, Prof. K.M. de Silva and Prof. Srima Kiribamune, Senior Research Fellow, enjoyed and identified it as a first rate study on vitally important aspects of the history of Sri Lanka. A silver lining, in Professor Perera’s ambition, began to emerge through dark clouds of many a year.

The laborious task of updating the references to inscriptions used in the text after 50 years and typing of 1500 crumbling and discoloured pages, which could not be scanned, were successfully completed by Prof. Sirima Kiribamune, assisted by Dr. Piyatissa Senanayake of the Department of Archaeology of the University of Peradeniya. Consequently Volume 1, (out of three) under the title ” The Institutions of Ancient Ceylon from Inscription (from the 3rd century BC to 830 AD) was released to the public in July 2001 at the Jayawardena Centre in Colombo amidst a distinguished gathering.

After the publication of Volume I, Professor Sudharshan Seneviratne was quoted as saying thus: ” The future, of both historical and archaeological studies in Sri Lanka, is at cross roads facing a dilemma of priorities, choices, resources, resource persons, attitude and above all quality of research. . After 53 long years, Prof. Lakshman Perera’s Masterpiece finally appeared in print as a classic. But that was only in part ( volume I). Unfortunately it is at present out of print and as the writer understands no more publications of this will be”.
Volume 1 which is factual history, containing 322 pages (from the 3 century BC to 830AD) bound in hard cover subsequently became available for the public to purchase from the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, Kandy, Kinsey Terrace, Colombo 8 and most of the bookshops in Colombo.

Final Part

Volume II, part I and Volume II, part II came out of publication in 2003 and 2005 respectively, prepared by Prof. Srima Kiribamune and Dr. Piyatissa Senanayake . It is equally interesting to note that the author Lakshman Susantha Perera’s name appears on both volumes in Sinhala Script which belonged to the 9th Century AD to coincide with the contents of the publications.

The final part of the three-volume work deals with the gradual evolution of the Island’s institutions political, economic and religious aspects, beginning from 3rd Century BC to 1016 AD – which is the Anuradhapura period of Sri Lanka history.

An array of complimentary reviews by many eminent Sri Lankan scholars has commented as follows: “Author’s systematic approach dealing with each phase in a chronological sequence, under various headings, political, economic, social and religious, gives a clear picture of the development that has taken place over the centuries in Sri Lanka; the evolution of kingship, and the king’s role as ‘Defender of the Faith’, and the development of the Sangha from a cave dwelling, amorphous community to a more complex, compact one, controlling large economically independent establishments, the growth of the local government institutions, the irrigation system, taxation, the use of money, diet and many other facts; each of which is sufficient to open new vistas of historical research for an interested student”.

Dr. Lorna Dewaraja in her review states: ” In Prof. L. S. Perera’s meticulous study, he has expressed the life of a society in its political, economic, religious and social aspects and shows that in any society institutions are inter-related and affect each other”.

Overall inspirational reviews of this publication have shown that ” reading through the author’s masterly analysis of the earliest inscriptions, one is struck by the fact that they authenticate even in minute details of the Mahavamsa, which has been condemned by some as myth and legend. Not only can outstanding rulers like ‘Devanampiyatissa, Vattagamini and Dutthagami be identified in the inscriptions, they say, but even one of the latter warriors mentioned in the Mahavanmsa, Senapati Nandimitta could be identified with a good deal of accuracy’.

The writer learnt from the International Centre for Ethnic Studies that Volume I has already gone out of print and it will not be available in the future ! It would , therefore, be prudent for the authorities concerned with the history of Ceylon ( Sri Lanka) for this volume to be reprinted and published continuously as ” this path-breaking dissertation on which it is based was the first to use epigraphically in writing the history of ancient (Ceylon) Sri Lanka, and more so according to many comments, ” it is equally important, the author’s interpretations of the institutional structure in his dissertation on early Sri Lanka continue to be part of the current historical debate in the country as many of his insights have still not been challenged.”

Prof. Lakshman Perera has expressed his deepest gratitude and thanks to Professor K M de Silva and the International Centre for Ethnic Studies (Kandy) and particularly to Professor Srima Kiribamune and Dr Piyatissa Senanayake who did the editing and supervision of the camera ready copy for printing and to the staff of the ICES, Kandy and the Intercollegiate Sri Lanka Education (ISLE) programme, a consortium of US Colleges, whose funding made possible the publication of his thesis.

Profile

In his normal academic career Prof. Perera became the Administrative Head of four sub-departments in the second Faculty of Arts in Colombo when in 1952 the Faculty of Arts was shifted to the new campus in Peradeniya. He became the Professor of History of the Colombo Campus and later he was elected to the office of the Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences.

Being a member of the Editorial Board of the Revised University History of Ceylon and the Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies, Professor Perera contributed several chapters, covering the period of his research, to the University of Ceylon.

In 1973 Ministry of Foreign Affairs recommended him to the Education Department of the Commonwealth Secretariat as a Senior Consultant on Universities and Higher Education where he continued in this position for a decade till 1983. Even after his retirement from the University he has been serving as a member of the Executive Committee of the Council for Education in the Commonwealth.

On a bright mid-summer early morning in 1998, Prof. Perera was woken up by a long distance telephone call from Colombo. It was an old friend, Mr. George Coorey to seek permission to nominate him for the prestigious award for the Doctor of Letters, Honoris Causa (D. Lit) offered to luminaries by the Colombo University.

On 15 August 1998, Professor Lakshman Susantha Perera was decorated at the convocation held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall in Colombo, thus evidently becoming ‘the flower, which appeared to have been born & unseen and wasting its sweetness in the Sri Lankan air’ for nearly 50 years, had suddenly come to bloom so as not to ‘waste its sweetness any longer’!

tilakfernando@gmail.com

A sea of conflict

 By Meera Sirinivasan
TheHindu.com
December 19, 2013

Dec 19 (Hindu) Tamil Nadu fishermen entering Sri Lankan waters interfere with the livelihood of Sri Lankan Tamils struggling to make a living from the sea after a brutal war

The haunting image - from a reporting assignment over a month ago - of an army of Indian trawlers charging towards the shore of Analativu, a small island in the northern tip of Sri Lanka, remains vivid in my memory.

Though there were no arrests reported that night, the Sri Lankan Navy, on several occasions before and after that, have arrested Indian fishermen on charges of trespassing. Not just in Analativu, but at different points off Sri Lanka's northern and eastern coasts.

Indian fishermen have, over decades, fished in Sri Lankan waters - some have faced arrests; but the year 2013 has been particularly bad. A total of 600 fishermen from India - all from Tamil Nadu - were arrested by the Sri Lankan Navy this year, a sharp increase compared to the last few years (See box). Nearly 400 of the fishermen arrested this year have been released, while about 200 fishermen are currently in Sri Lankan prisons. A total of 107 trawlers were apprehended from the fishermen, of which the Indian side has retrieved about 40 so far.

Satellite images have, beyond doubt, established that Indian fishermen frequently cross the agreed-upon International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) that defines the two nations' respective fishing zones on either side of it.

However, many including Tamil Nadu politicians, passionately argue in defence of the fishermen, usually on three major grounds: that the fishermen erroneously stray into Sri Lankan waters without intending to; that it would take time to deter fishermen away from a zone where they traditionally held fishing rights; and that it is, at the end of the day, about their livelihood.

The argument that the fishermen naively stray into Sri Lankan territory falls flat, for, virtually all the trawlers found trespassing are equipped with GPS monitors that would clearly indicate where they are headed.

Change of course

Even if Indian fishermen traditionally held fishing rights across Palk Strait earlier - they had the zone virtually to themselves during Sri Lanka's 30-year civil war that ended in 2009 - four years is not too short a time to change their course. The idea of "traditional fishing rights" is also questionable, particularly when Indian fishermen are found coming all the way around, off the island's north-eastern coast, near Mullaitivu.

And to all those staunch defenders of livelihood issues who argue that it is, after all, a question of survival for those "poor fishermen" and therefore has to be dealt with with more lenience: you are right. It is, indeed, a very serious livelihood issue. And that is precisely why it should not get enmeshed in shrill political rhetoric.

So far, every case of arrest plays out in a predictable fashion with all the actors playing their part well, exactly by the book.

The moment news of an arrest is out, Tamil Nadu politicians put out a strong statement condemning the "atrocity of the Sri Lankan Navy" and urging New Delhi to take a strong position that is not diluted by its diplomatic compulsions. Both the ruling AIADMK and the DMK in the Opposition and all other political parties in Tamil Nadu share the same position on the issue.

Soon, New Delhi assures Tamil Nadu that it would do its best to get the fishermen released soon, a cue for backdoor diplomatic exchanges. New Delhi and the Indian mission in Sri Lanka, in particular, seem to have had a very hard time throughout 2013 - caught between Tamil Nadu's unreasonable demands and an increasingly strained diplomatic equation with Sri Lanka that effectively weakens its leverage vis-�-vis pushing for the rights of the Sri Lankan Tamils.

The Sri Lankan government, on its part, soon highlights how poaching by Indian fishermen has severely affected the Sri Lankan economy. Some forces within the Sri Lankan government also tend to use the fishing conflict to bait the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), which formed the northern provincial government recently, provoking it to take on Tamil Nadu in this matter.

The issue gets further complicated when Sri Lankan fishermen are simultaneously caught poaching in Indian waters - as many as 171 fishermen were arrested in October and November 2013 alone. The fishermen arrested there, it is reliably learnt, are Sinhala fishermen using well-equipped longliners.

Following these parallel arrests, the two countries virtually end up with a barter deal on the release of the arrested fishermen.

The Tamil Nadu government and Chief Minister Jayalalithaa, who has been strongly criticising New Delhi for its stance, has, in the last few years, taken no serious measures to deter its fishermen from poaching in Sri Lankan waters.

If Tamil Nadu politicians care for Sri Lankan Tamils as much as they claim to, how come they completely miss the larger point about Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen being the worst-hit in this maritime mess? If it is about Tamil Nadu fishermen's livelihood, what is it then, for Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen on this side of Palk Strait who are struggling to cope with the after-effects of a brutal war?

2013 has shown that diplomatic trade-offs can, at best, be a myopic response to an acute problem. If the livelihood concern flagged by many is for real, then Tamil Nadu has the biggest responsibility.

It has to change its strategy from resorting to unreasonable, emotional outbursts to finding ways to equip its own fishermen in the best, long-term interest of their livelihood by, say, offering training in deep-sea fishing methods. It should actively discourage the fishermen from crossing the IMBL.

The TNA might want to open up channels of communication with the Tamil Nadu government to engage with it, particularly on the fisheries conflict.

An amalgam of Tamil political parties with varying degrees of Tamil nationalism among its constituents, the TNA has repeatedly emphasised how deeply it values the solidarity expressed by Tamil Nadu in support of Sri Lankan Tamils. However, only an ongoing dialogue between the party and Tamil Nadu will help get across certain specific realities about Sri Lankan Tamils.

Political stakes

Unlike earlier, the TNA also has political stakes with regard to this issue, as the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP), a member of the ruling coalition in Sri Lanka that had a strong support base among fishermen, seems to be losing ground to the TNA, going by its performance in the recent Northern Provincial Council (NPC) elections.

In Kayts, an island off Jaffna, for instance, the EPDP secured 31.48 per cent of the votes in the September elections to the NPC, as compared to the 71.99 per cent that it cornered in the 2010 parliamentary elections. The fisheries issue, therefore, offers new political space for the TNA provincial administration as well. Even if the TNA does its bit, the future of several thousand fishermen in Sri Lanka's Northern Province - in Jaffna alone there are nearly 20,000 Tamil-speaking fishermen whose lives are tied to the sea - is, clearly, in Tamil Nadu's hands.

Ceylon in World War II

From Wikipedia,
The free encyclopedia

An RAF bomber takes off from Colombo's racecourse in Ceylon during the war.

After the outbreak of the Second World War, in the British Crown Colony of Ceylon (modern-day Sri Lanka), the government of Sir Don Baron Jayatilaka assured the British king and his majesty's government of its continued support.

Contents

• 1 Preparations for war
• 2 Ceylon Volunteers
• 3 Ceylon Navy Volunteer Reserve
• 4 Cocos Islands Mutiny
• 5 Japanese attack on Ceylon
• 6 Anti-War movement
• 7 Images
• 8 Notes
• 9 References
• 10 See also

Preparations for war

The British had occupied the coastal areas of the island since 1796, but after 1917 the colony had no regular garrison of British troops. The Ceylon Defence Force and Ceylon Navy Volunteer Reserve were mobilized and expanded. The Royal Navy maintained naval installations in Trincomalee and the Royal Air Force (RAF) had established an aerodrome in China Bay, Trincomalee long before the war.

After the fall of Singapore the Royal Navy's East Indies Station was moved to Colombo and then to Trincomalee. Admiral Sir Geoffrey Layton was appointed Commander-in-Chief, Ceylon with Air Vice Marshal John D'Albiac Air Officer Commanding and Admiral Sir Sir James Somerville appointed commander of the British Eastern Fleet.

The fixed land defences consisted of four coastal batteries at Colombo and five at Trincomalee, these were established just before the war. Air defenses where expanded starting in 1941 with the RAF occupying the civil airfield at Ratmalana near Colombo with its station headquarters set up at Kandawala. Another airbase was rapidly built at Koggala near Galle and several temporary airstrips were built across the country, with the largest at Colombo Racecourse Airstrip. Several RAF Squadrons were sent to Ceylon. Several Commonwealth units were also stationed in Ceylon for the duration of the war.

Ceylon Volunteers

As with other British Colonies conscription was not implemented in Ceylon, however Ceylonese were encouraged to volunteer for service. Many volunteered throughout the war, most joining the Ceylon Defence Force, which was expanded from a reserve unit to a mobilized force of 10 infantry battalions, 3 artillery regiments and support units. For the first time Ceylonese units were deployed outside Ceylon in formation until the Cocos Islands Mutiny after which deployment overseas of Ceylonese units was stopped with a few exceptions.

Ceylonese continued to volunteer and joined the British Army, RAF and the Royal Navy. They were supplemented by personnel of the Ceylon Defence Force who requested transfer to front line units of the British Army. They served in the Burma and later in Malaya. Ceylonese served in the Royal Engineers in Italy and with the Royal Army Service Corps in the Middle East and North Africa. The 1st battalion, Ceylon Corps of Military Police served in Malaya till 1949.^[1]

Several of those who served with Commonwealth Forces during the war went on to serve in the Sri Lankan Armed Forces after Ceylon gained independence in 1948; these include General D. S. Attygalle, Major General Anton Muttukumaru, Major General Bertram Heyn, Major General Richard Udugama, Major General H.W.G. Wijeyekoon, Rear Admiral Rajan Kadiragamar and Air Vice Marshal Edward Amerasakera.

Ceylon Navy Volunteer Reserve

The Ceylon Navy Volunteer Reserve was taken over by the Royal Navy. Cutting its teeth on the Port Commission Tugs Samson and Goliath, it later manned and operated trawlers and Antarctic whalers converted as Minesweepers and fitted out with guns, submarine detection equipment and anti-submarine weaponry. They were H.M. Ships Overdale Wyke (the first ship to be purchased by the Government of Ceylon), Okapi, Semla, Sambhur, Hoxa, Balta and H.M Tugs Barnet and C405. In addition it manned several Motor Fishing Vessels (MFV) and miscellaneous auxiliary vessels. All were manned exclusively by CRNVR personnel. These ships were meant to sweep and guard the approaches the harbours but were also often used on extended missions outside Ceylon waters. In the course of these operations, the ships came under enemy fire, recovered essential information from Japanese aircraft shot down, sailed to Akyab after the Burma front was opened in two FMVs for harbour duties, and was called upon to accept the surrender of the Italian colonial ship Eritrea and escort her to port with a prize crew on board.

Cocos Islands Mutiny

Main article: Cocos Islands Mutiny

The sinking of the battleship HMS Prince of Wales and the battlecruiser HMS Repulse, and the subsequent fall of Singapore, punctured forever the myth of British invincibility. Against this backdrop, and on the agitation of the Trotskyist-inspired Lanka Sama Samaja Party, soldiers of the Ceylon Garrison Artillery on Horsburgh Island in the Cocos Islands mutinied on the night of 8 May 1942, intending to hand the islands over to the Japanese. The mutiny was suppressed within an hour, however, and three of the mutineers were later executed — the only British Commonwealth soldiers to be executed for mutiny during the Second World War.^[2]

Following the mutiny the use of Ceylonese combat troops was discontinued by the British, although a number of supply and transport units were used in the rear areas in the Middle East. The defences of Ceylon were reinforced by the 7th Australian Division and elements of the 1st (African) Division because of the island's strategic importance, holding almost all the British Empire's resources of rubber. Rationing was instituted so that Ceylonese were comparatively better fed than their Indian neighbors; a measure taken to prevent their disaffection.^{[citation needed]}

Japanese attack on Ceylon

British anti-aircraft defenses in Ceylon, 1943

Main article: The Easter Sunday Raid on Colombo

Main article: Indian Ocean raid

The Easter Sunday Raid was the air raid carried out by Japan on Easter Sunday (5 April) 1942 on Colombo; a few days later Trincomalee was also attacked. These were undertaken as a part of commerce raiding and the harassment of the British Eastern Fleet in the Indian Ocean.

Although the military effect of the raids was substantial - it resulted in the sinking of several ships including two cruisers and an aircraft carrier, the effect on the Ceylonese population was far greater as it had heard of the Nanjing Massacres and of the act of brutality of the Japanese in occupied countries. The civilian population began a panicked fleeing of Colombo and of Ceylon by boat to India following the raid. Such was the panic amongst the British and Ceylonese that a large turtle which came ashore was reported by an Australian unit as a number of Japanese amphibious vehicles.^{[citation needed]}

Anti-War movement

There was resistance to occupation, both against the Axis powers and against the colonial power, the British. This was done completely by the Trotskyist Lanka Sama Samaja Party, which supported the independence movement and led the anti-war movement, made it clear that it did not side with either the Axis powers or the Allies and considered the war an internationalist one. The Communist party of Ceylon too supported the anti-war movement as they saw it also as a war of imperialists, but in 1941 when Germany attacked the Soviet Union they joined the war movement in support of the British calling it a peoples war.

There was some opposition to the war in Sri Lanka, particularly among the workers and the nationalists encouraged by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, many of the latter of whom hoped for a German victory. But much of the populace dreaded a Japanese victory.

Among Buddhists, there was disgust that Buddhist monks of German origin were interned as 'enemy aliens' whereas German and Italian Roman Catholic priests were not. Two young members of the Governing Party, Junius Richard Jayawardene (who later became President) and Dudley Senanayake (later th 3rd Prime Minister), held discussions with the Japanese with a view to collaboration to oust the British, these discussions did not go further since the much older D S Senanayake (later th 1st Prime Minister) stopped them.

Independence agitators turned to opposition to the Ministers' support for the British war effort. The local Ministers brought motions gifting the Sri Lankan taxpayers' money to the British war machine, which were opposed by the pro-freedom members of the State Council. Propaganda was carried out among the troops, Australian and British as well as indigenous with little effect.

Starting in November 1939 and during the first half of 1940 there was a wave of spontaneous strikes in the British-owned plantations, basically aimed at winning the right of organisation. There were two main plantation unions, Natesa Iyer's Ceylon Indian Congress and the All-Ceylon Estate Workers Union (later the Lanka Estate Workers Union, LEWU) led by Samasamajists.

In the Central Province the strike wave reached the zenith in the Mool Oya Estate strike, which was led by Samasamajists. After Mool Oya, the strike wave spread southward towards Uva, and the strikes became more prolonged and the workers began more and more to seek the militant leadership of the Samasamajists. The Trotskyist leader N.M. Perera addressed a large meeting in Badulla on 12 May, and the police were powerless to act, although it was banned. At Wewessa Estate the workers set up an elected council and the Superintendent agreed to act in consultation with the Workers' Council. An armed police party that went to restore 'law and order' was disarmed by the workers. The strike wave at last was beaten back by a wave of terror by the police, aided by floods which cut Uva off from the rest of the country for over a week.

However, the colonial authorities were finding that the independence struggle was getting too powerful. After Dunkirk, the British colonial authorities reacted in panic (as revealed in secret files released many decades later) and the LSSP State Council members N.M. Perera and Philip Gunawardena and others were arrested on 18 June. The Samasamajist press was raided and sealed. Regulations were promulgated which made open party work practically impossible.

Public disgust at British colonial rule continued to grow. Among the elite there was irritation at the colour-bar practised by the leading clubs. Sir Oliver Ernest Goonetilleke, the Civil Defence Commissioner complained that the British commander of Ceylon, Admiral Layton called him a 'black bastard'; this was merely an expression of continuing white-supremacism. However, it was grist to the mill for an increasingly angry middle class that this was the attitude of their rulers who had been bested in Hong Kong, Malaya, Singapore and Burma by Asians.

Sri Lankans in Singapore and Malaysia formed the 'Lanka Regiment' of the Indian National Army, directly under Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. A plan was made to transport them to Sri Lanka by submarine, to begin the liberation struggle, but this was abortive.

The LSSP leaders were able to escape, with the help of one of their guards. Several of them fled to India, where they participated in the struggle there, underscoring what had been established before the war, that India's and Sri Lanka's freedom struggles were interlinked. However, a sizable contingent remained, led by Robert Gunawardena, Philip's brother.

Images

• 

  Womens Royal Naval Service (WRNS) in Ceylon
• 

  Royal Naval School of Malaria and Hygiene Control, Colombo

Notes

1. Forgotten campaign, forgotten veterans
2. Cocos Island Mutiny

References

• Arsecularatne, SN, Sinhalese immigrants in Malaysia & Singapore, 1860-1990: History through recollections, KVG de Silva & Sons, Colombo, 1991
• Crusz, Noel, The Cocos Islands Mutiny, Fremantle Arts Centre Press, Fremantle, WA, 2001
• Muthiah, Wesley and Wanasinghe, Sydney, Britain, World War 2 and the Sama Samajists, Young Socialist Publication, Colombo, 1996
• Lankan was privy to WW II covert operation

Veera Puran Appu: stood up against the might of British Empire

1848 Matale Rebellion Memorial

By Tyronne Fernando MP, PC,
Minister of Foreign Affiars

Veera Puran Appu originally Veera Hennedige Francisco Fernando was born on the 7th of November, 1812 in Moratuwa and was executed by the British on the 8th of August, 1848 in Kandy. Francisco left Moratuwa at the age of 13 and stayed for sometime at Ratnapura with his uncle Marcellenus Fernando, the first Sinhala proctor who had a flourishing practice there.

Between 1842 and 1844, he became famous as a fearless person in the Uva province. In early 1847, he met and married Bandaramenike, the daughter of Gunnepana Arachchi in Kandy.

By the time Puran Appu came to Kandy the Kandyan provinces were in a state of turmoil. They had been under British rule for 32 years. The depression in the United Kingdom had severely affected the local coffee and cinnamon industry. Also, a blight had struck the coffee plant. 

Planters and merchants clamoured for a reduction of export duties. Sir Emmerson Tennent, the Colonial Secretary in Colombo recommended to Earl Grey, Secretary of State for Colonies in London that taxation should be radically shifted from indirect taxation to direct taxation. This proposal was accepted. It was decided to abolish the export duty on coffee and reduce the export duty on cinnamon leaving a deficit of 40,000 Pounds Sterling which was to be met by direct taxes on the people. A new Governor, 35 year old Torrington, a cousin of Prime Minister Lord Russel was despatched to Colombo by Queen Victoria to carry out these reforms. 

On the 1st of July, 1848, licence fees were imposed on guns, dogs, carts, shops and labour was made compulsory on plantation roads, unless a special tax was paid. These taxes bore heavily not only on the purse but also on the traditions of the Kandyan peasant. 

A mass movement against the oppressive taxes was developing. The masses were without the leadership of their native King (deposed in 1815) and their chiefs (annihilated after the 1818 rebellion). The leadership passed for the first time in the Kandyan provinces into the hands of ordinary people. 

The real leader of this group became Francisco Fernando, now popularly known as Puran Appu. Professor Kingsley de Silva in his book "The Rebellion of 1848" says that "Puran Appu was a most resourceful and courageous man who took a leading part in the events and died a courageous death." On 28.07.48 Puran Appu led an attack on Matale. This was successful. However, the other leaders who attacked Kurunegala and Wariyapola failed. Ultimately, Puran Appu himself was captured and he was executed after trial on the 8th of August, 1848. 

In times of crisis such as this it is good and useful to remember and honour the Heroes in our nations history. 

It gives us a sense of perspective, stability, and hope for the future. Puran Appu was a leader who stood up against the might of the British Empire. The might of the British Empire was at its zenith under Queen Victoria in 1848. Puran Appu proved that the unity of our people, and proper and courageous leadership would be the basis to face any crisis. 

The best tribute to him was paid by his enemies. Governor Torrington wrote to the Colonial Secretary (The letter can be seen at Durham University and I have a photocopy of it). "I remind you of the last words of Puran Appu. He held up his hand and said, if there had been half a dozen such men as me to lead there would not be a white man living in the Kandyan Provinces.

This is true. If there had been such leaders, without doubt for a time we should have lost the country." 

It must be remembered that Puran Appu was a low country man. He was a stranger to the Kandyan Provinces, except for the fact that he had married a Kandyan girl. The people of the Kandyan Provinces had lost their king in 1815 and lost their nobles in 1818. 

They rallied round Puran Appu although he was from a different part of the country. They rallied round him because he was a leader who was suitable for their immediate task. 

James de Alwis wrote in 1876 in the 'Ceylon Over-land Examiner' that Puran Appu had "a bold and daring disposition combined with a strong and healthy constitution." 

On the 8th of August, 1848, Puran Appu was executed in Kandy exactly 153 years ago. The events of 1848 had its sequel in the British House of Commons. 

A Select Committee was appointed which consisted of Peel, Gladstone and Disraeli among others. These three were later to become Prime Ministers of England. On the recommendation of the Committee, the obnoxious taxes which Puran Appu fought against were repealed and the conduct of the British Governor and his assistants were severely criticised. 

Thereafter, the attitude of the British in Ceylon took a different turn, repression gave way to welfare schemes and 100 years later Ceylon attained full independence and later became Sri Lanka. 

---

154th Death Anniversary of Veera Puran Appu

 

Veerahennadige Francisco Fernando alias Puran Appu is one of the most colourful personalities in our history. 

Puran Appu was executed by the British ending the "1848 Rebellion", the only people's revolution in this land. He fought against a world empire and sacrificed his life for the freedom of our nation.

He was born on November 1812 in Moratuwa. He left Moratuwa at the age of 13 and stayed in Ratnapura with his uncle, who was the first Sinhala proctor, and moved to Uva province, where he became famous for his opposition to British rule in Sri Lanka. In early 1847, he met and married Bandaramenike, the daughter of Gunnepana Arachchi in Kandy. 

Viscount Torrington, the governor of Ceylon from 1847 to 1850 stated in his letter dated 9th October, 1849 to Earl Grey, the Colonial Secretary in London that, "I remind you of the last words of Puran Appu the hour before he was shot and he was a brave man. He held up his hand and said if there had been half a dozen such men as me to lead (the 1948 Rebellion) there would not have been a white man living in the Kandyan provinces, and this is true and we would have lost the country even for a short while". Puran Appu in his last words points his finger to the problem faced by the Sri Lankans over generations. The problem of leaders; we have probably the best leaders, but they are only a few! 

Puran Appu acted with strong determination against British rule. Long before the Rebellion, he broke into the Magistrates house in Badulla because he felt the magistrate was unjust. He was imprisoned, but he broke the prison and escaped. The gazette notification by the Governor on 1st of January, 1847, offering ten pounds for his apprehension provides probably the best bio data of Puran Appu available today. It says "Puran Appu, originally of Morotto, lately of Kandy, trade - unknown, cast - fisher, height - 5ft 7 1/2 inches, hair - long and black, eyes - light hazel, complexion - light, well looking, make - well made, stout, marks of punishment on the back and 4 vaccination marks." 

Governor Torrington was not successful in hiding his fear of the national leadership symbolized by Puran Appu. He wrote in one of his other letters to the colonial secretary that "several prisoners who had been captured since the proclamation of martial law was tried and shot; and amongst them, one of the most desperate robbers in the island, who had, on more than one occasion, broken the prison, and for whose apprehension, a reward has long previously been offered ..... he (Puran Appu) died exclaiming, if the king had three men about him as bold and determined as myself he would have been master of Kandy".
Puran Appu further teaches the national leaders, the inevitability of being bold and determined to achieves success. 

Puran Appu was not only a political revolutionary but also a social revolutionary! He marks the history of Sri Lanka in a very peculiar way. Being a boy from low country town, Moratuwa, he was able to marry a daughter of a Kandyan chieftain and led the Kandyan masses in a rebellion against the might of the British empire. The story of Puran Appu goes against the common belief still prevailing in our society that cast and class are barriers to success. He proved that the people of this land are not reluctant to rally round a person, if he demonstrates genuine leadership qualities and is honestly determined to serve the common man. 

And he was also an economic revolutionary! He led the common man against the British Empire. The 1848 Rebellion demonstrated a special character in that its intention was not merely a political one. By the time Puran Appu came to Kandy the Kandyan provinces were in a state of turmoil. The British had been ruling the country for 32 years. The depression the British economy was experiencing during this period had affected coffee and cinnamon prices, and the planters and merchants clamoured for a reduction in export duties. In response, the British decided to abolish export duties and to meet the resulting reduction in the government revenue, by imposing direct taxes which weighed heavily on the Kandyan peasant. 

Sir Henry Charles in his writing titled "Ceylon and the Cingales - 1850" cites a notice circulated throughout the villages prior to the rebellion, which said that "His Excellency the Governor has, for the present, enacted several taxes to be levied from the inhabitants of the island viz. upon firearms, dogs, men, boats, and boutiques, and in addition to this, it is also enacted to levy, in a few months more, a tax upon trees, lands, cattle, and all useful quadrupeds". 

Professor K.M. de Silva in his book, "The Rebellion in 1848" says that "the political objective may have been less important to them (the Kandyan peasants led by Puran Appu) than the more important need to compel the government to make some concession in the matter of taxation". Governor Torrington himself wrote the Colonial Secretary on August 11, 1848 after the execution of Puran Appu on August 8, 1848 that, "I believe there is no spot on the earth where less poverty exists than in Ceylon". 

Thus, Veera Puran Appu fought to protect ourselves from the best economy that prevailed in the world during his time, one and a half centuries ago. 

Puran Appu was a hero in the real sense of the word. He was probably the most prominent political, social and economic revolutionary in the history of the country! 

Gongale Goda Banda (1809-1849) : The leader of the 1848 rebellion

 

1848 Matale Rebellion Memorial

By Dr. K. D. G. Wimalaratne
Director, National Archives
 
With the invasion of Ceylon, by three western powers, namely, Portuguese, the Dutch and the British, the lifestyle of Sri Lankans were changed drastically. Invaders imposed their religion, language, customs, dress, food and their culture on the peoples in the island. They adopted the divide and rule policy to gain supremacy in the country. 

From 1505 to 1815, these invaders used their authority to make this country a safe haven for their ideals to flourish. However, in certain ways, they failed to convince or convert the whole community of islanders to satisfy their wants. 

Gongalegoda Banda was the leader and pretender of the 1848 Rebellion, which aimed at liberating the country from the British. He was born on 13th March 1809 as the second son of Wansapurna Dewage Sinchia Fernando. His name was Peliyagoda David alias Aludeniya Banda, Gongalegoda Tikiri Banda. He married the daughter of Gongalegoda Menik Rala, he was 5 feet 6 inches in height, and 35 years of age.

Gongalegoda Banda who was engaged in transport work on the Kandy road, came to reside at Gongalegoda, Udunuwara and became a popular figure among the Kandyans. He was seen at the Dalada Maligawa just before the 1848 Rebellion broke out. Gongalegoda Banda led the protest march regarding unjustifiable taxes which was held on 6th July 1848 near the Kandy Kachchery. 

The movement for the liberation of the island in 1848 was led by leaders such as Gongalegoda Banda, Puran Appu, Dines, Dingi Rala who were supported by the people and the village headman. On 26th July 1848, the leaders and the supporters entered the historic Dambulla Vihara and at 11.30 a.m., Gongalegoda Banda was consecrated by the head pries of Dambulla, Ven. Giranegama Thera. According to the head priest of Dambulla, Gongalegoda Banda was called "Sri Wickrama Siddapi" and spoke fluently in Sinhala. He asked the people, whether you are on the side of the Buddhist? or British? On this historic day Dines, his brother was declared the sub-king and Dingirala as the uncrowned king of Sat Korale. Puranappu was appointed as the prime minister or the sword bearer to Gongalegoda Banda. Puran Appu attended the consecration ceremony of Gongalegoda Banda with 400 others. 

After the proclamation of the king, he with his army left Dambulla via Matale to capture Kandy from the British. 

They attacked government buildings specially the Matale Kachcheri and destroyed some of the tax records. Simultaneously, Dingirirala instigated attacks in Kurunegala, where eight people were shot dead by the British army. The British Governor, Torrington immediately declared Martial Law on 29th July 1848 and 31st July in Kandy and Kurunegala respectively. 

When Puran Appu was taken prisoner by the British troops, Gongalegoda Banda and his elder brother Dines escaped and went into hiding. Gongalegoda Banda lived in a cave at Elkaduwa, 8 miles from Matale. The Governor issued a warrant on Gongalegoda Banda for his arrest. According to this proclamation, he has worked under Dalzil in the Police service in 1845, and a Dewa Wansa. An award of 150 pounds to be given for anyone who gave information of his whereabouts. This is an indication that he was the leader of the independence movement. 

On 21st Sept. 1848, Gongalegoda Banda was arrested by the Malay soldiers at Elkaduwa. He offered resistance before his arrest. Gongalegoda Banda was brought from Matale to Kandy and was kept as a prisoner in Kandy. 

The trial of Gongalegoda Banda commenced on 27th November at the Supreme Court sessions in Kandy. He was charged for high treason viz., claiming he was the King of Kandy, declaring as a descendent of the Kandy Kings, ongoing and waging war against the British. He bravely declared that he was guilty of all the above charges. The Judgement of the Supreme Court was that he to be hanged on 1st January 1849, between 9-11 a.m. 

Subsequently, on an appeal made by Gongalegoda Banda to the Governor a proclamation was issued on 29th December 1848 to amend the death sentence to flogging 100 times and deportation. 

On 1st January 1849, Gongalegoda Banda was flogged 100 times in Kandy before a large gathering of people and deported to Malacca (Malaysia). Governor Torrington writing a despatch to the Secretary of State informed that deportation for life was more severe than death penalty. By deporting Gongalegoda Banda, Governor instilled a permanent fear among the inhabitants for future rebellion against the British rule. Gongalegoda Banda who was deported to Malacca arrived there on 3rd May 1849. He died on 1st December 1849 in Malacca, which was reported by Tikiri Banda Dunuwila who was also deported there. 

His death marked the last attempt to liberate the country from the foreign yoke. Gongalegoda Banda should be remembered by the Sri Lankans who fought against unjustifiable taxes and oppression of the innocent subjects of an alien colonial government.

Kandyan Convention of March 10, 1815

  රටම රැවටූ උඩරට ගිවිසුම

ලලිත් ගුණවර්ධන
ජාතික ලේඛනාරක්‌ෂක දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවේ
සහකාර අධ්‍යක්‍ෂ

                       

 

                  

ජාතික ලේඛනාගාරයේ ඇති
උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ මුල් පිටපත......

1796 දී මෙරට මුහුදුබඩ පළාත් ලන්දේසීන්ගෙන් අල්ලාගත් ඉංග්‍රීසිහු උඩරටට ඇතුළුව 1815 පෙබරවාරි 18 වැනි දින ශ්‍රී වික්‍රම රාජසිංහ රජු අල්ලා ගැනීමත් සමග සමස්‌ත දිවයිනේම ස්‌වාමීත්වයට පත්වූහ. 1796 සිට 1815 දක්‌වා ලංකාවේ මුහුදුබඩ පළාත් පාලනයට ඔවුන්ට ගිවිසුම් හෝ සම්මුතීන් අවශ්‍ය නොවූවත් 1815 දී උඩරට යටත් කිරීමත් සමග මෙවැනි ගිවිසුමක්‌ අවශ්‍ය වූයේ එවකට බලවත්ව සිටි උඩරට සිංහල ප්‍රධානීන් අවනතව තබා ගැනීමට අවශ්‍ය වූ හෙයිනි. සිංහල ප්‍රධානීන් වටා ජනතාවද, ආගමද, සිංහල සිරිත් විරිත්ද, සම්ප්‍රදායන්ද ඇඳී බැඳී තිබුණ හෙයින් දෙපාර්ශ්වීය ගිවිසුමක අවශ්‍යතාව ඉංග්‍රීසිහු වටහාගෙන සිටියහ.

ශ්‍රී වික්‍රම රාජසිංහ රජු අත්අඩංගුවට ගෙන සති දෙකක්‌ යැමට පෙර උඩරට ගිවිසුම සිංහල ප්‍රධානීන් ඉදිරියේ කියවීමෙන් මේ සඳහා වූ ඉංග්‍රීසින්ට වූ හදිසිය කැපී පෙනේ. මෙම ගිවිසුම සකස්‌ කිරීමට සිංහල පාර්ශ්වය වෙනුවෙන් ඇහැලේපොල, කපුවත්තේ (පිළිමතලව්වේ), මොල්ලිගොඩ හා මිල්ලෑව දිසාවද සහභාගි වී අති බවක්‌ ඉංග්‍රීසි පාර්ශ්වය වෙනුවෙන් සිංහල භාෂාව පිළිබඳ මනා පරිචයක්‌ ලබා සිටි ඉංග්‍රීසි ආණ්‌ඩුවේ ප්‍රධාන භාෂා පරිවර්තක ජෝන් ඩොයිලි මහතාත් ආණ්‌ඩුවේ නියෝජ්‍ය ලේකම් වූ ඡේම්ස්‌ සදර්ලන්ඩ් මහතාත් ක්‍රියාකර ඇති බව පෙනේ.

උඩරට ගිවිසුම ආරම්භ වන්නේ "ක්‍රිස්‌තු වර්ෂ එක්‌වා දහස්‌ අටසිය පහළොහක්‌ වූ මාර්තු මස දෙවැනි දින නොහොත් සිංහල වර්ෂ ප්‍රමාණයෙන් ශක වර්ෂ එක්‌වා දහස්‌ සත්සිය තිස්‌හයට පැමිණි අවුරුද්දේ නවම් මස අවසනවක්‌ තීර්ථය ලත් ගුරු දින..." යනුවෙන් සඳහන් කරමිනි. මෙයට උඩරට මහජනතාව වෙනුවෙන් ඇහැලේපොල මහ නිලමේ, මහ අදිකාරම් හා සත් කෝරළේ දිසාව වූ මොල්ලිගොඩ, දෙවන අදිකාරම් හා සබරගමුවේ දිසාව වූ පිළිමතලව්වේ (කපුවත්තේ) සතර කෝරළේ දිසාව වූ පිළිමතලව්වේ (කනිෂ්ඨ) ඌවේ දිසාව වූ මොණරවිල, මාතලේ දිසාව වූ රත්වත්තේ, තුන් කෝරළේ දිසාව වූ මොල්ලිගොඩ (කනිෂ්ඨ), වලපනේ දිසාව වූ දූල්ලෑවේ, වෙල්ලස්‌සේ හා බින්තැන්නේ දිසාව වූ මිල්ලෑව, තමන්කඩුවේ දිසාව වූ ගලගම, නුවර කලාවියේ දිසාව වූ ගලගොඩ අත්සන් කළ බව සඳහන් වේ. මෙයට එංගලන්තයේ මහ රජු වෙනුවෙන් රොබර්ට්‌ බ්‍රවුන්රිග් ආණ්‌ඩුකරු අත්සන් තැබූ බවත්, එම අත්සන් සහතික කරමින් ඉංග්‍රීසි ආණ්‌ඩුවේ ප්‍රධාන භාෂා පරිවර්තක ජෝන් ඩොයිලි හා ඉංගී්‍රසි ආණ්‌ඩුවේ නියෝජ්‍ය ලේකම් ඡේම්ස්‌ සදර්ලන්ඩ් අත්සන් තැබූ බවත් සඳහන් වේ.

1815 මාර්තු දෙවන දින සිදු වූයේ උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ වගන්ති කියවීම පමණක්‌ බවත් අත්සන් කරන ලද්දේ පසුව බවත් ඇතැම්හු පෙන්වා දෙති. මෙම ගිවිසුමට අත්සන් කළ මිල්ලව කරුණාධාර ඒකනායක ධර්මකීර්ති හෙවත් පණ්‌ඩිත මුදියන්සේ හෙවත් මිල්ලව දිසාව එම තනතුරට පත්කරන ලද්දේ 1815 මාර්තු පස්‌වන දිනයේය. අනෙක්‌ උඩරට ප්‍රධානීන් එම තනතුරුවලට පත්කරන ලද්දේ 1815 මාර්තු තුන්වන දින ගැසට්‌ පත්‍රයෙනි. ඒ අනුව ඔවුන් එකී නිලතලවලට පත්වීමට පෙරාතුව එම නිලතල නාම යොදා අත්සන් තබන ලද්දේ යයි පිළිගැනීමට හැකියාවක්‌ නැත. 1815 මාර්තු 15 දින නිකුත්වූ රජයේ නිල ප්‍රකාශනයට අනුව උඩරට ගිවිසුමට අත්සන් තබන ලද්දේ 1815 මාර්තු මස 10 වන දින බව පෙනේ.



උඩරට ගිවිසුම අත්සන් පිටපත් කරමින් පිටපත් ගණනාවක්‌ නිකුත්වූ අතර සැබෑ පිටපත හෙවත් මුල් පිටපත සොයා ගන්නා තෙක්‌ මෙම ගිවිසුමේ අත්සන් ගැන නිගමනයක්‌ දීම දුෂ්කර වී තිබුණි. 1984 වර්ෂයේ හිටපු ජාතික ලේඛනාගාර අධ්‍යක්‌ෂ ආචාර්ය හරිස්‌චන්ද්‍ර ද සිල්වා මහතා විසින් මෙම මුල් පිටපත සොයා ගන්නා ලදී. එම පිටපත අනුසාරයෙන් හා වෙනත් පිටපතක්‌ අනුසාරයෙන් පිටපත් දෙකක්‌ නිකුත් වී ඇති බව පෙනේ. මහාචාර්ය තෙන්නකෝන් විමලානන්ද මහතා උඩරට මහ කැරැල්ල තුන්වැනි කාණ්‌ඩයට ඇතුළත් කළ පිටපතත් ජාතික ලේඛනාගාරයේ ඇති මුල් පිටපතත් සසඳන විට පැහැදිලි වෙනසක්‌ හතර කෝරළේ දිසාව වූ පිලිමතලව්වේගේ අත්සන සම්බන්ධයෙන් පෙනේ. මහාචාර්ය තෙන්නකෝන් විමලානන්ද මහතාගේ ග්‍රන්ථයේ හතර කෝරළේ දිසාවේ වශයෙන් ඇති පිළිමතලව්වේ (කනිෂ්ඨ) අත්සන හුදකලාව ඇති අතර ජාතික ලේඛනාගාරයේ ඇති මුල් පිටපතේ මෙය වටා පොල් ගෙඩියක මෙන් පෙනුම ඇත. මෙයින් පෙනී යන්නේ මෙම ගිවිසුමේ පිටපත් දෙකක්‌ දෙයාකාරයෙන් පිටපත් වී ඇති බවයි.

මෙම ගිවිසුමේ වම් පසින් ඇති බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය ආණ්‌ඩුකරු වූ රොබර්ට්‌ බ්‍රවුන්රිග් ගේ අත්සන සමකාලීන ලේඛනවල ඇති ඔහුගේ අත්සන් හා සැසඳීමේදී සමාන බව පෙනේ. දකුණු පසින් ඇති ඇහැලේපොල මහ නිලමේගේ අත්සන ඔහුගේ පුරුදු අත්සනට වඩා හාත්පසින් වෙනස්‌ බව පෙනේ. ඇහැලේපොල මහ නිලමේ 1811-1819 වර්ෂ අනතුර සබරගමුව මහ දිසාව වශයෙන් කටයුතු කරන අවධියේ නිකුත් කළ සන්නස්‌ ගණනාවක ඇති ඒකාකාරී අත්සන් හා මෙම අත්සන් අතර බරපතල වෙනස්‌කම් ඇත. මෙම සන්නස්‌වල ඇහැලේපොලගේ නම සඳහන් වූයේ සබරගමු දිසාව ඇතුළුව මහනුවර මහ අධිකරණ නිලමේ කරවන ඇහැලේපොල විජයසුන්දර වික්‍රමසිංහ චන්ද්‍රසේකර සෙනෙවිරත්න අමරකෝන් වාසල පණ්‌ඩිත මුදියන්සේ රාළහාමි නමිනි.

ඒ අනුව මෙම ගිවිසුමේ ඇති ඇහැලේපොලගේ අත්සන ව්‍යාජ අත්සනක්‌ බව පෙනේ. උඩරට ගිවිසුම කෙටුම්පත් කළ පුරෝගාමියා වූ ජෝන් ඩොයිලිගේ දිනපොත අනුව ඇහැලේපොල මහ නිලමේ 1815 මාර්තු 03 සිට 11 දක්‌වා අසනීපව සිටි අතර ඔහු සුවපත් වන 11 වන දින බ්‍රවුන්රිග් ආණ්‌ඩුකරු අසනීප වී ඇත. මාර්තු 18 වන දින ආණ්‌ඩුකරු පුද්ගලිකව මුණගැසුන විට ඇහැලේපොල එම අත්සන යෙදූ බව සඳහන් වේ.

සබරගමුවේ සන්නස්‌ හා සීaට්‌ටුවල ඇති අත්සන් හඳුනාගැනීම සඳහා බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය සිවිල් සේවාවේ නිලධාරියෙක්‌ වශයෙන් රෙජිස්‌ට්‍රාර් ජෙනරාල් තනතුර දැරූ එච්. ඩබ්ලිව්. කොඩ්රින්ටන් මහතා දේශීය ප්‍රධානීන්ගේ සහාය ඇතිව විශේෂ ලිපි ගොනුවක්‌ සකසන ලදී. පුරාණ ලංකාවේ ඉඩම් භුක්‌තිය, පුරාණ ලංකාවේ කාසි හා සංක්‍ෂිප්ත ලංකා ඉතිහාසය යන ග්‍රන්ථ රචනා කරමින් රාජකීය ලංකා ආසියාතික සමිති කලාපයන්ට ශාස්‌ත්‍රීය ලිපි සැපයූ විද්වතෙකු වූ මොහු විසින් පිළියෙළ කරන ලද මෙම ලිපිගොනුව මෙහිලා සුවිශේෂ මූලාශ්‍රයක්‌ වේ.

කොඩ්රින්ටන් මහතාගේ ලිපිගොනුව අනුව සබරගමු සන්නස්‌වල වම්පසින් ඒකාකාරීව දකින්නට ඇති ඇහැලේපොලගේ අත්සන නිවැරැදිය. අහැලේපොලගේ අත්සනට උඩින් රවුමට නැවී ඇති අර්ධ කවය හා එය දෙපැත්තේම ඇති කෙටි හා දිගු කොකුවලින් සංකේතවත් වන්නේ සබරගමු දිසාවේ තනතුරට අයත් නිල ලාංඡනයයි. මෙම තනතුර දැරූ වෙනත් පුද්ගලයන්ගේ නම් වටාද මෙම නිල ලාංඡනය දක්‌නට ඇත. මෙම අර්ධ කවයට පහළින් ඇති පූර්ණ කවය තුළ ඇති ඇහැලේපොලගේ අත්සන හා උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ ඇති ඇහැලේපොලගේ අත්සන හා කිසිදු සමාන කමක්‌ නොමැතිවීමෙන් පෙනී යනුයේ උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ ඇති ඇහැලේපොලගේ අත්සන ව්‍යාජ එකක්‌ බවයි. උඩරට රාජධානියේ 1 වන අදිකාරම් හා 2 වන අදිකාරම් ධුරය දැරූවන්ගේ අත්සන් වටා පූර්ණ කවයක්‌ ඇත. ඒ කවය වටා සබරගමු දිසවේ තනතුරට අදාළ නිල ලාංඡනය ඇහැලේපොල විසින් නිකුත් කරන ලද හැම සන්නසකම ඇත.

මෙම වකවානුවේ ව්‍යාජ අත්සන් යෙදීම බහුලව පැවති බවට සාක්‌ෂියක්‌ මහාචාර්ය තෙන්නකෝන් විමලානන්ද මහතාගේ උඩරට මහ කැරැල්ල ග්‍රන්ථයේ 3 වැනි කාණ්‌ඩයේ 383 පිටුවේ දැක්‌වේ. මොල්ලිගොඩ මහ නිලමේ විසින් ඇහලේපොලත් රජුත් භේද කිරීම සඳහා රජුට ආක්‍රොෂ පරිභව කරන ලද හසුනකට ඇහලේපොලගේ ව්‍යාජ අත්සන යෙදූ බවත් ඒ නිසා ඒ දෙදෙනා භේද වූ බවත් සඳහන් වේ. උඩරට ගිවිසුම සකස්‌ කිරීමට දායකත්වය දැක්‌වූ අයකු වන මොල්ලිගොඩ මහ නිලමේට උඩරට ගිවිසුම සම්බන්ධයෙන්ද මෙවැන්නක්‌ කිරීම අපහසු නොවන බව ඔහුගේ චරිතාපදානය සාක්‌ෂි දරයි.

උඩරට ගිවිසුමට ඇහැලේපොල අත්සන් තැබී නම් ඔහුට උසස්‌ තනතුරක්‌ පිරිනමා ගෞරවනීය තත්ත්වයක තැබීමට ඉංග්‍රීසින් ක්‍රියා කරනු නිසැකය. එහෙත් එවැන්නක්‌ සිදු නොවීය. උඩරට ගිවිසුම් අත්සන් කර වසර 3 ක්‌ පිරුණු 1818 මාර්තු 02 වන දින සිට සිර අඩස්‌සියට පත් අහැලේපොල 1825 දක්‌වා කොළඹ සිරකර පසුව මුරිසි දිවයිනේ සිර කඳවුරට යවන ලදුව එහිදී කාලක්‍රියා කළේය. උඩරට ගිවිසුමට අත්සන් නොකළ කන්ද උඩරට ෙද්‍රdaහියාට ඉංග්‍රීසින් සැලකුවේ එසේය.

සබරගමු සන්නස්‌ වෙළුමේ ඇති උඩරට ප්‍රධානීන්ගේ අත්සන් අඩංගු මුල් සන්නස්‌ විවිධ ඉඩකඩම් නඩු සඳහා දිසා අධිකරණයන්ට ඉදිරිපත් වූ අවස්‌ථාවලදී ඒවා හඳුනාගෙන සාක්‌ෂි දීමට අවස්‌ථා ගණනාවකදීම මට සිදුවිය. කරකොල නමින් හඳුන්වන පදම් නොකළ තල්කොළවල වම්පස මුදුනේ අදාළ නිල දරුවන් විසින් අත්සන් තබන ලද්දේ පන්හිඳක ආධාරයෙනි. අඟල් 12 ක්‌ පමණ දිගින් යුතු පන්හිඳක ආධාරයෙන් අත්සන් තබන විට කරකොළ හෑරී යයි. ඇතැම් වචන ගැඹුරට හෑරී ඇතැම් වචන මතුපිටට හෑරී ඇත. සමහර අත්සන් හෑරී ඇත්තේ අනෙක්‌ පසින් මතු වන පරිදිය. සන්නස ලියන ලද පුද්ගලයා එය ලියන්නේ කරකොළයේ දෙපැත්තම පාවිච්චියට ගත හැකි පරිදි ඒකාකාර සමාන්තර මට්‌ටමකට අකුරු හෑරීමෙනි. එහෙත් අත්සන්වල එවැනි ස්‌වරූපයක්‌ නැත. ඒවා ගැඹුරට සිනිඳුවට හා රළුවට වැදී ඇත්තේ අදාළ ප්‍රධානීන් විසින් අත්සන් තැබීමේ හේතුවෙනි.

උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ දෙවනුවට අත්සන් කර ඇතතේ මොල්ලිගොඩ අදිකාරම්ය. ඔහු පළමුවන අදිකාරම් හා සත් කෝරළේ දිසාව වශයෙන් මෙයට අත්සන් තබා ඇත.

සබරගමු සන්නස්‌ වෙළුමේ මොල්ලිගොඩගේ නම සඳහන්ව ඇත්තේ මොල්ලිගොඩ රාජකරුණා සෙනෙවිරත්න අභයකෝන් හේරත් වාසල මුදියන්සේ වශයෙනි.

කොඩ්රින්ටන් ගොනුවේ මෙම නම යටතේ ඇති මොල්ලිගොඩගේ අත්සනත්, සබරගමුව සන්නස්‌ වෙළුමේ ඇති මොල්ලිගොඩගේ අත්සන් ගණනාවද එක හා සමානය. ඉහතින් දකුණු පසින් දක්‌වා ඇත්තේ උඩරට ගිවිසුමට පසු 1816 වර්ෂයේදී මොල්ලිගොඩ විසින් නිකුත් කළ සන්නසක අත්සනකි. ඒ අනුව මේ අත්සන් පරස්‌පරය.

උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ තෙවනුවට ඇති පිළිමතලව්වේගේ අත්සනද ගැටලු සහගතය. මොහු හඳුන්වා අත්තේ දෙවැනි අදිකාරම හා සබරගමු දිසාවේ හැටියටය. මොහුගේ නම සඳහන් කර ඇත්තේ පිළිමතලව්වේ විජයසුන්දර රාජකරුණා සෙනෙවිරත්න වාසල අභයකෝන් පණ්‌ඩිත මුදියන්සේ හැටියටය.

ශ්‍රී වික්‍රම රාජසිංහ රජු අතින් හිස්‌ ගැසුම් කෑ පිළිමතල්වේගේ සහෝදරයෙක්‌ වන මොහු කපුවත්තේ අදිකාරම්ගේ දියණිය විවාහ කර ගැනීම නිසා කපුවත්තේ යන නමද භාවිතා කළේය. උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ ඇති ඔහුගේ අත්සනත් සබරගමු සන්නස්‌ වෙළුමේ ඇති ඔහුගේ අත්සනත් අතර පරස්‌පරතා ගණනාවකි.

උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ සිව්වෙනුවට ඇත්තේ කනිෂ්ඨ පිළිමතලව්වේගේ අත්සනයි. මොහු 1812 දී හිස්‌ගැසුම් කෑ පිළිමතල්වේ මහ අදිකාරම්ගේ පුත්‍රයාය. මොහු මෙම වකවානුවේ සතර කෝරළේ දිසාපති පදවිය දැරූ බව සඳහන් වුවත් කපිල පතිරණ විමලධර්ම මහතා විසින් රචිත උඩරට ප්‍රධානීන්ගේ තනතුරු දැරූවන්ගේ නාමලේඛනයට අනුව මෙම වකවානුවේ සතර කෝරළේ දිසාව පදවියත්, සත් කෝරළේ දිසාව පදවියත් යන පදවි දෙකම ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ මොල්ලිගොඩ විසින් දරා ඇත. උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ මොහුගේ අත්සන වට කොට ඇති පොල් ගෙඩියක ස්‌වරූපය ගත් සලකුණ සතර කෝරළේ දිසාවගේ නිල ලාංඡනය වේ.

මෙම නිල ලාංඡනය තුළ ඇත්තේ ඔහුගේ අත්සන නොව සබරගමුව දිසාව වශයෙන් කටයුතු කළ පිළිමතලව්වේ මහ අදිකාරම්ගේ අත්සනයි. ඒ අනුව සබරගමු දිසාවගේ නමට කෙලින් ඇත්තේ කනිෂ්ඨ පිළිමතලව්වගේ අත්සනයි. ඒ අනුව මෙම අත්සන් උඩ යට මාරුවී ඇති බව පෙනේ. කනිෂ්ඨ පිළිමතලව්වගේ අත්සන සමකාලීන වෙනත් පැරැණි ලේඛනයකින් මෙතෙක්‌ හමු නොවූ නිසා ඒ ගැන කරුණු දැක්‌විය නොහැකිය.

උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ පස්‌ වෙනුවට ඇත්තේ මොනරවිල හෙවත් කැප්පෙටිපොල දිසාවගේ අත්සනයි. මොනරවිල කැප්පෙටිපොල රාජපක්‌ෂ වික්‍රමසේකර බණ්‌ඩාරනායක නමින් හැඳින්වූ ඔහු ඌවේ දිසාව වශයෙන් මෙයට අත්සන් කර ඇත. උඩරට ගිවිසුමට සිංහලෙන් අත්සන් කළ තිදෙනාගෙන් කෙනෙක්‌ හැටියට මොහු හඳුන්වයි.

කැප්පෙටිපොල 1803 මාතලේ දිසාව වශයෙන් කයටුතු කරන අවධියේ නිකුත් කරන ලද සන්නසක ඇති ඉහත අත්සනත් උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ අත්සනත් වෙනස්‌ය.

උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ සය වෙනුවට ඇත්තේ මාතලේ දිසාව කරවන රත්වත්තේගේ අත්සනය. රත්වත්තේ පණ්‌ඩිත මුදියන්සේ රාළහාමි වශයෙන් හැඳින්වූ මොහු මාතලේ දිසාවේ පදවිය දැරූ 1767-73 අතර කාලයේ නිකුත් කළ නඩු තීන්දු දෙකක ඇති සමාන රූපී අත්සනත් උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ අත්සනත් අතර පරස්‌පරතා ඇත.

මෙම අත්සන් සමස්‌තයක්‌ වශයෙන් ගෙන බලන විට සිංහල හා දෙමළ අක්‌ෂරවලින් මිශ්‍රව ඇති බව පෙනේ. රත්වත්තේ දිසාවගේ අත්සන තනිකරම දෙමළ භාෂාවෙනි. මේ අත්සන් තුළ හඳුනා නොගත් අක්‌ෂරද දක්‌නට ඇත.

උඩරට ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කළ සෙසු ප්‍රධානීන් සතර දෙනාවූ දූල්ලෑව, මිල්ලව, ගලගම හා ගලගොඩ දිසාවවරුන්ගේ අත්සන් දැක්‌වෙන ලේඛන ඉදිරියේදී සොයාගෙන කරුණු දැක්‌වීමට බලාපොරොත්තු වෙමි.

උඩරට ගිවිසුම අත්සන් කර 3 වසරක්‌ ගිය තැන ඉංග්‍රීසින්ට එරෙහිව ඇති වූ 1818 කැරැල්ලේ නායකත්වය ගත්තේ මෙම ගිවිසුමට අත්සන් කළ මොනරවිල කැප්පෙටිපොලය. පිළිමතලව්වේ, මිල්ලව ඇතුළු තවත් නායකයන් ගණනාවක්‌ මෙම කැරැල්ලට නායකත්වය දුන් නිසා ඉංග්‍රීසින්ගේ අත්අඩංගුවට පත්ව සමහරක්‌ මැරුම් කෑහ. සමහරු රටින් පිටිවහල් කරන ලදී. සමහරු සිරකරුවන් බවට පත්වූහ.

උඩරැටියනුත්, රටත් රැවටූ උඩරට ගිවිසුමට අත්සන් කළ නායකයෝම තමන් රැවටූ ඉංග්‍රීසින්ට එරෙහිව 1818 දී අවි අමෝරා ගත්තද එවකට ශක්‌තිමත්ව තිබූ ඉංග්‍රිසි බලය ඉදිරියේ පරාජය වීමට ඔවුනට සිදුවිය.

History of the Seethawaka Rajadhaniya

1521-1594

Capital Sitawaka

Languages Sinhala

Government Monarchy

1521-1581 Mayadunne

1581-1593 Rajasinha I

History

Spoiling of Vijayabahu 1521

Death of Rajasinha I 1594   

The Kingdom of Sitawaka (Sinhala: සීතාවක) was a kingdom located in south-central Sri Lanka. It emerged from the division of the kingdom of Kotte following the Spoiling of Vijayabahu in 1521, and over the course of the next seventy years came to dominate much of the island. Sitawaka also offered fierce resistance to the Portuguese, who had arrived on the island in 1505. Despite its military successes, Sitawaka remained unstable, having to contend with repeated uprisings in its restive Kandyan territories, as well as a wide-ranging and often devastating conflict with the Portuguese. Sitawaka disintegrated soon after the death of its last king Rajasimha I in 1594.

History

Foundation

The Kingdom of Kotte had been the major power in western Sri Lanka since its foundation in the early 15th century; under Parakaramabahu VI, the polity has been the last to unite the entirety of the island of Sri Lanka under one crown. By 1467, however, the Jaffna Kingdom to the north had asserted its independence. In 1505 the first Portuguese arrived in Sri Lanka; by 1518 a large fleet of Portuguese ships had landed at Colombo and begun to construct a fort known as Santa Bárbara. To the east, the client kingdom of Kandy was by this time operating with a considerable degree of independence as well.

Vijayabahu VI of Kotte (1509–1521) was deposed in a palace coup known as the Spoiling of Vijayabahu in 1521 by his three sons who feared their succession to the throne was about to be overlooked in favour of Vijayabahu's fourth son, Devaraja. The eldest succeeded him to the throne as Buvanekabahu VII, whilst the other two claimed parts of Kotte for themselves—Mayadunne ruling from Sitawaka and Pararajasinha establishing the kingdom of Raigama. The kingdom of Kandy was effectively outside of the control of any of these three successor states.

The kingdom of Sitawaka initially covered a relatively small area including Kosgama, Ruwanwella, Yatiyanthota, Hanwella, Padukka, Ehaliyagoda, Kuruwita and Rathnapura. The terrain was hilly, bordered to the east by Kandy and with no access to the sea. The capital city—modern Avissawella—was situated on a steep hill at the base of bluff hills rising around 1,000 feet (300 m) above the surrounding jungle cover.^[1]

Rise (1521–1551)

Soon after his ascent to the throne, Bhuvanekabahu began to strengthen his ties with the Portuguese in order to secure his throne from any potential challenge from Sitawaka. Though local resistance prevented them from completing a fortress in Colombo, from 1524 a Portuguese agent remained in Kotte under the king's protection and Portuguese naval forces began to contend with Malabari Mappilas for dominance of cinnamon trade. They were eventually repulsed by a Bhunvanekabahu, who was assisted by forces despatched by the Portuguese Viceroy of Goa. Another attempt at seizing Kotte in 1537 failed when Mayadunne's forces were defeated by forces under the command of the Portuguese Captain-General in Colombo, Afonso de Souza; a fleet sent from Calicut to assist was on this occasion defeated by the Portuguese at Vedalai. A truce was negoiated between Sitawaka and Kotte in the aftermath of the conflict, and Mayadunne turned his attention south to the kingdom of Raigama, which he annexed following the death of Raigam Bandara (Pararajasinha) in 1538.

Two further invasions of Kotte followed in the next five years. The first, beginning in 1539, failed following resistance organised by the new Portuguese Captain-General in Colombo, Miguel Ferreira. Calicut yet again provided troops and weaponry to Sitawaka; however, following defeat, Kulhenamarikkar and Pachimarikkar, two of the Zamorin's generals, were handed over to the Portuguese and the alliance between Calicut and Sitawaka ended. News in 1543 that Bhuvanekabahu had named his grandson Dharmapala as his successor prompted yet another invasion, yet again repulsed with the aid Portuguese forces under the command of the new Captain-General, António Barreto.

Conquest of Kotte (1551–1581)

Portuguese involvement in the internal politics of Kotte increased with the arrival in 1550 of viceroy Afonso de Noronha and a contingent of some 500 Portuguese soldiers. The Portuguese sacked Sitawaka later that year, but failed to retain the city. Accounts indicate that Mayadunne had adopted a policy of simply evacuating his capital and retreating into the surrounding terrain when the Portuguese approached—on occasion leaving the palace lights burning and spreading white cloth on the floor as a welcome for the invaders. Once the invaders had left the capital, the king's forces would then harass them along the route down to the Kelani river.^[2]

In 1551 Bhuvanekabahu was assassinated and succeeded by Dharmapala, who relied heavily on his European allies to maintain his hold over the kingdom. A new Portuguese fortress was constructed in Colombo in 1554, and by 1556 the 70,000 inhabitants in the vicinity of Colombo Fort had converted to Catholicism.

A Catholic church in Negombo. The spread of Christianity was a major factor in Sri Lankan conflicts of the 16th and 17th centuries

King Dharmapala himself converted to Catholicism in 1557 and adopted the name Dom João Pereira Bandara. Large numbers of Buddhist clergy and commoners fled the kingdom fearing persecution amidst rumours of forced conversions. Perhaps most significantly, the Tooth Relic—the most sacred object in the land and a traditional symbol of royal authority and inheritance—was smuggled out of Kotte and taken to Delgamu Viharaya in Ratnapura. Portuguese claims to have burnt the relic further inflamed the resentment of the populace. A Sitawakan invasion that year was repulsed by Captain-General Dom Afonso Pereira de Lacerda.

Kotte counter-attacked in 1562, with Lacerda leading a substantial force from Colombo along the banks of the river Kelani. At Mulleriyawa they encountered a force led by Tikiri Banda, Mayadunne's son; in the subsequent Mulleriyawa Satana a significant number of Portuguese and several thousand Lascarins were killed, and the invading force routed. The victory was a huge psychological boost for the Sitawakans, reflected in Tikiri Banda's acquisition of the moniker Rajasinha—"king of the lions".
Pressing their advantage, Mayadunne and Tikiri Bandara launched a two-pronged attack on Kotte in 1564, laying siege to both Kotte and Colombo. Portuguese forces were forced to retreat from Kotte with Dharmapala, leaving Sitawaka in control of much of the kingdom. Major Sitawakan garrisons were established at Wattala, Nagalagama and Mapane. However a thin costal strip, running from Negombo to Galle and including the fort in Colombo, was kept provisioned from the sea by Portuguese ships and remained in Portuguese hands until after the collapse of Sitawaka a generation later. Strategically, this enabled them to harass and wage attritionary campaigns against the kingdom, the most notable being the invasion of 1574 which saw Negombo, Kalutara and Beruwala plundered, Sitawakan garrisons at Nagalagama and Mapane expelled, and the districts of Weligama and Chilaw ravaged. Portuguese influence culminated in Dharmapala's 1580 declaration that in the event of his death, the lands of Kotte would pass to Manuel II.

Rajasinha I

Mayadunne died in 1581 and was succeeded by Rajasinha. In 1582, the new king invaded and conquered the kingdom of Kandy to the east, bringing the entirety of Sri Lanka into the Sitawakan fold, with the exception of the Jaffna Kingdom and Portuguese holdings in the south. Karaliyadde Bandara, king of Kandy, fled to Trincomalee and subsequently died of smallpox; his young daughter, Kusumasana Devi, came under the protection of the Portuguese, who baptised her Dona Catherina and over the next decade claimed the throne of Kandy in her name. Rajasinha's hold over the area was further disrupted by the rebellion of his viceroy Wirasundara Mudiyanse. Though the uprising was crushed, and Wirasundara murdered, his son Konappu Bandara fled into Portuguese territory. Baptised as Don Juan of Austria, he was to become an enduring opponent of the king of Sitawaka.

Portuguese intrigue in Rajasinha's court had dramatic results between 1583 and 1587; numerous nobles were executed following accusations of treachery. Most importantly Rajasinha turned against the Buddhist clergy following the discovery of collaboration with his enemies; temples were destroyed, Sri Pada seized and given over to Hindu priests, and Rajasinha himself converted to Hinduism.^[3] Many of the disaffected fled to the highlands. In Kotte, King Dharmapala formalised his donation of 1580 on the 4th of November 1583.^[4]

Successive invasions found it difficult to assert their control over the mountainous and thickly forested terrain of the kingdom of Kandy

Rajasinha redoubled his efforts at dislodging Europeans and by 1587 he had amassed a force of some 50,000 infantry, as well as war elephants, cavalry, and a number of locally manufactured cannon. The army commenced what was to become a twenty-two month siege of Colombo that year. In the absence of a Sitawakan navy, the Portuguese—supplied from Goa via the sea—could hold out for extended periods of time. A shift in policy by Calicut ensured that there was no hope of rekindling the old alliance with the south Indian kingdom, and Rajasinha was forced to abandon the siege in February 1588 to deal with unrest further inland.

The last years of Rajasinha's reign were spent defending the kingdom's borders, a task made more difficult by the Portuguese invasion of the northern Jaffna Kingdom in 1591. The following year Portuguese forces briefly occupied Kandy, but were expelled. Nonetheless a new, and formidable, enemy had emerged in the form of Konappu Bandara, who had returned to Kandy in the early 1590s. Adopting the name Vimaladharmasuriya, he seized the throne of Kandy, converted back to Buddhism, and married Don Catherina to legitimise his claim. In 1593, he defeated Rajasinha at Balane and Mawela, effectively securing Kandy's independence from Sitawaka. Rajasinha died the following year.

Despite the kingdom's impressive successes, much of its stability was dependent on a smooth succession and a competent ruler; Rajasimha's sudden death in 1594 (the same year the Portuguese appointed their first Governor-General of Ceylon) was met with neither of these and within less than a year Sitawaka had ceased to function as a cohesive polity.

Successor States and Legacy

Following the fall of Sitawaka, Portuguese forces sacked the city and pressed inland until they were expelled by Kandyan forces under Vimaladharmasuriya. The Portuguese remained the premier power in lowland Sri Lanka until the early 17th century, when they were finally expelled by Rajasinha II and his Dutch allies.
A resurgent kingdom of Kandy under Vimaladharmasuriya I also sacked Sitawaka, and went on to become the major source of resistance to European power for the next two hundred years. Avissawella was reduced to being a border town, and the royal complex was eventually lost to the jungle until explored by the British in the 19th century.

“

Sitawaka, once a royal residence, and a place of considerable consequence, is now merely a name. No traces of what it once was are now to be seen by the traveller passing along the road; and for a time none were supposed to exist.Only the platform remains, quite small within a moat crossed by a bridge of massive slabs. The wall of the platform is gloriously simple, with delicate flowered fillet, a garland of stone that must be seen to be appreciated. Apart from the fillet, the chief ornaments are pilasters, separated by perfectly flat areas which had to be cut away in order to leave the pilasters in relief; and on one of the flats is an odd little parrot, entirely unrelated to anything in the design. It seems obvious, and quite delightful, that the workmen got fed up with recessing that flat surface and left the birds in relief for fun, to be chiselled away on a morrow that never (John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, 1812)

”

References

1.  John Davy, An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, 1812
2.  Roland Raven-Hart,Ceylon: A History in Stone,1964
3.  P.E.Pieris, Ceylon and the Portuguese 1505 - 1658, p95
4. P.E.Pieris, Ceylon and the Portuguese 1505 - 1658, p93